超级军网中国已经放弃美国了？简而言之：是的。
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/27 20:55:45
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-336872-1-1.html
Has China Given Up on the U.S.? Short Answer: Yes.
中国已经放弃美国了？简而言之：是的。
Has China given up on the United States? Such a question seems outlandish and whimsical, if not ridiculous. But there are good reasons for posing the question, and for answering yes.
中国是否已经放弃了美国？这样的问题看起来即使不可笑也是荒诞且不可思议的。然而仍然有足够的理由提出这样的问题，并且回答是"是的"。
Of course, it is easy for those of a Panglossian mentality—i.e., most of the mainstream commentariat toward the policies of the Obama administration–to be misled or encouraged to think that all is–or soon will be—right with the world, to view any development in China-U.S. relations in a positive light, as a signal of steadily and inevitably improving relations, if not systematic "convergence."
当然，对那些持有过分乐观心态的人来说-例如，对奥巴马政府的主流评论家们-他们很容易被误导或被鼓励认为所有的都是-或都将是-歌舞升平的，中美关系中的一切进步都应被视作为两国关系稳定且必然发展又或是系统性"走到一起"的信号。
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
ltaaaTxt
A more objective and sober assessment would question whether the Obama administration extended the invitation at the state visit level as a needed inducement to a China reluctant to accept it.
然而更客观冷静的思考将提出质疑，是否奥巴马政府延长这一国家级别的邀请其实是因为中国其实并不情愿接受。
Why might China be reluctant? It is because, after four years of sincere and painstaking, but fruitless, unreciprocated Chinese efforts to initiate a "new type of great power relations" with the United States—rather, meeting only the seemingly unstoppable bureaucratic momentum of the administration's bellicose political/military power "pivot (or "rebalance") to Asia"–China has largely given up on beginning a meaningful, positive reset of China-U.S. strategic relations.
为何中国不愿接受观海的邀请？这是因为在中国提出与美国构建"新型大国关系"后经历了四年真诚不懈但收获甚少甚至徒劳的努力-这些努力遇到的只有（美国）政府好斗的政治/军事力量在"东亚再平衡"战略下似乎永无休止的官僚行为-中国在很大程度上放弃了重启建立正面而有意义的中美战略合作的尝试。
Now, instead, China has embarked on what is being termed by some its own "pivot to Asia"–redirecting its foreign policy and strategic emphasis to its regional neighbors, and to the regions and countries along its New Maritime Silk Road and New Silk Road.
现在，作为替代，中国开始着手建立自己的"亚洲枢纽"-重点针对他的区域邻国及其新丝绸之路和海上丝绸之路的周边区域和国家重新定位他的对外政策与战略。
习大大与美国国务卿克里
The Obama administration's dismissal of China's proposal for a "new type of great power relations" has been insightfully analyzed in the ChinaUS Focus blog by Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at The Brookings Institution.
在布鲁金斯政策研究机构的John L. Thornton中国中心主管Cheng Li的"聚焦中美"博客中对奥巴马政府无视中国提出的"构建新型大国关系"的政策进行了详细剖析
"Americans view this Chinese concept with suspicion and cynicism," writes Li. "The United States is particularly sensitive to how its adoption of the concept would be portrayed by allies in the region."
"美国人对中国的这一政策充满了怀疑和嘲讽",Li写到."美国对于接受此建议后将在其亚洲盟友中产生何种影响极为敏感。"
Nothing seen from the Obama administration since the 2012 Sunnylands Summit suggests any rethinking of the Pentagon-driven American "rebalance" project or any other of the edifices of U.S. military hegemony in Asia, centered on the U.S.-Japan alliance sits at the center.
自2012年Sunnylads农场的"习奥会"以来，我们没有看到奥巴马政府对于五角大楼推动的"再平衡"政策或任何其他美国在亚洲的以美日同盟为核心的军事霸权政策的重新思考。
On the contrary, U.S. officials continue to describe the alliance, as did Wendy R. Sherman, U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, in Tokyo on January 30 as "the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia."
相反，美国的官员们继续将这一同盟形容为，正如负责政策事务的副国务卿Wendy R. Sherman1月30日在东京所言，"亚洲和平与繁荣的柱石"。
But the opposite is more likely true: that America's constant ratcheting up of its alliance-based military power in Asia, along with unremitting intrusive surveillance and patrols, and political interference in local territorial disputes, is a constant and growing threat to Asia peace and prosperity.
然而现实似乎正相反：美国持续增加他在亚洲盟友基地中的军事力量，同时增加的还有不间断的侵扰性监控和巡逻以及对低于领土争端的政治干涉，这正是对亚洲和平与繁荣的持续且不断增加的威胁。
ltaaaTxt
Said Rice: "Our rebalance is deepening longstanding alliances and forging new partnerships to expand cooperation. We're investing in ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, and the Pacific Islands Forum to strengthen their capacity to enforce regional norms…and resolve disputes peacefully….
赖斯提到："我们的平衡是深化长期的同盟，并建立新的伙伴关系来扩大合作。我们正在投资东盟、东亚峰会、太平洋岛国论坛以加强他们执行区域规范…以及和平解决争端的能力。
"With China, we're building a constructive relationship that expands practical cooperation…even as we confront real differences over human rights, cyber-enabled economic espionage, and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims."
"与中国,我们正在建立一种建设性的关系来扩大务实合作…即使我们切实面对着人权,网络经济间谍活动，以及使用威胁的手段进行领土主张的分歧。"
There are many indications Chinese policymakers have finally, if reluctantly, concluded that China's interests require a change in the hitherto U.S.-focused foreign policy.
有很多迹象表明中国的政策制定者已经最终得出的结论,尽管并不情愿, 即：中国的国家利益需要对迄今为止将中美关系作为外交政策核心内容的中国外交政策做出改变。
Analysts see the November 28-29 Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference in Beijing as marking a change in China's foreign policy and diplomatic priorities: China's own "pivot to Asia." President Xi Jinping delivered a seminally important speech at the conference, clearly setting out a comprehensive strategy and approach based on pursuit of "win-win" relationships, peace, development, and shared prosperity in the four arenas: neighboring countries' diplomacy, great power diplomacy, developing countries' diplomacy, and multilateral diplomacy.
分析人员将11月28至29日在北京召开的中央外事工作会议视作为中国对外政策和外交优先级做出的一种改变：中国自己的"亚洲枢纽"。习大大在会议上做出了重要讲话，明确提出了基于寻求"双赢"关系，和平，发展，以及在 "邻国"外交，大国外交，发展中国家外交及多边外交四个方面共享繁荣的政策。
Xi directed China's foreign affairs officials to build a "new type of international relations based on "win-win" cooperation. Significantly, while ordering further "give impetus to" constructing a new type of great power relations; he called for the "to address and implement" a new concept of sincere and benevolent neighboring country diplomacy).
习指示中国的外事官员建立一种"基于"双赢"的新型国际关系。值得注意的是，当进一步要求"全力"建设一种新型大国关系；他呼吁"定位并实施"一种真诚亲切的睦邻外交概念。
The highly respected Professor Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of Modern International Relations at Tsinghua University and the Chief Editor of The Chinese Journal of International Politics (Oxford University Press), has been more explicit in arguing for giving priority in China's diplomacy to neighboring countries, over the United States.
德高望重的教授Yan Xuetong，清华大学现代国际关系研究院院长兼《中国国际政治杂志》主编(牛津大学出版社),已经更加明确表示支持更优先发展对中国周边国家的外交关系，优先于美国。
Professor Yan presents his views persuasively in the January 13, 2015 Global Times. His basic argument is that the United States sees itself fundamentally threatened by China's rise and will more often oppose and seek to thwart this rise, than facilitate it. China's neighbors, on the contrary, have much to gain from participating in China's rise, and can through competent diplomacy be enlisted to support it for mutual benefit.
Yan教授在2015年1月13日的环球时报上令人信服的发表了他的观点。他的基本论点是，美国视中国的崛起为其根本威胁，并且会更加频繁的反对且力阻而不是促进这种崛起。中国的邻国，相反的，将更多从参与中国的崛起过程获益，并且能够通过参与这种外交关系达到互惠互利的目的。
Professor Yan's is a clear-eyed view both of China's interests, the international situation it faces, and its major challenges, most notably in relations with the United States. Yan is considered very close to Beijing's highest policy makers and to reflect or share their views. In my opinion, his conclusions are correct and right for China.
Yan教授在中国的兴趣，中国面临的国际环境及中国的主要挑战-大部分与美国相关-上目光犀利。Yan的考虑与北京最高决策制定者的想法非常贴近，并且反映或分享了他们的观点。在我看来，他的结论对中国来说是正确且恰当的。
A state visit is the highest level of treatment that can be accorded to a foreign head of state. Formalities include military ceremonies upon arrival, a black-tie dinner, residence at Blair House near the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue, and, if desired, an address to the Congress.
国家级别的访问是能够给予外国首脑的最高级别待遇。过程包括到达时的军队欢迎仪式，正式晚宴，在白宫附近的宾夕法尼亚大道上的布莱尔宾馆入住，以及，如果需要，一场国会演说。
It will be interesting to see how much of the full menu of state visit honors Xi demands. My guess is that he will pass on addressing congress, but will be pleased to show off his attractive and stylish wife, Peng Liyuan, at a White House dinner.
有趣的是美国安排的国宾级接待菜单在何种程度上满足了习的需求。我的猜测是他将跳过在国会演说，但会乐于在白宫晚宴上让他引人瞩目且时尚的妻子,彭麻麻出席。
The Obama administration–in rejecting China overtures to forge a "new type of great power relations" while continuing to pursue a wasteful, unnecessary, and counterproductive military power "pivot ("rebalance") to Asia"–has made an historic and potentially very costly mistake.
观海政府-在反对中国提议打造"新型大国关系"的同时继续寻求浪费，不必要且毫无效果的军事"亚洲再平衡"战略-正在犯一个历史性的且代价巨大的错误。
White House dinners and flashy ceremonies cannot obscure this tragic reality.
白宫晚宴和光鲜的欢迎仪式无法掩盖这一不幸的事实。原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-336872-1-1.html
Has China Given Up on the U.S.? Short Answer: Yes.
中国已经放弃美国了？简而言之：是的。
Has China given up on the United States? Such a question seems outlandish and whimsical, if not ridiculous. But there are good reasons for posing the question, and for answering yes.
中国是否已经放弃了美国？这样的问题看起来即使不可笑也是荒诞且不可思议的。然而仍然有足够的理由提出这样的问题，并且回答是"是的"。
Of course, it is easy for those of a Panglossian mentality—i.e., most of the mainstream commentariat toward the policies of the Obama administration–to be misled or encouraged to think that all is–or soon will be—right with the world, to view any development in China-U.S. relations in a positive light, as a signal of steadily and inevitably improving relations, if not systematic "convergence."
当然，对那些持有过分乐观心态的人来说-例如，对奥巴马政府的主流评论家们-他们很容易被误导或被鼓励认为所有的都是-或都将是-歌舞升平的，中美关系中的一切进步都应被视作为两国关系稳定且必然发展又或是系统性"走到一起"的信号。
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
ltaaaTxt
A more objective and sober assessment would question whether the Obama administration extended the invitation at the state visit level as a needed inducement to a China reluctant to accept it.
然而更客观冷静的思考将提出质疑，是否奥巴马政府延长这一国家级别的邀请其实是因为中国其实并不情愿接受。
Why might China be reluctant? It is because, after four years of sincere and painstaking, but fruitless, unreciprocated Chinese efforts to initiate a "new type of great power relations" with the United States—rather, meeting only the seemingly unstoppable bureaucratic momentum of the administration's bellicose political/military power "pivot (or "rebalance") to Asia"–China has largely given up on beginning a meaningful, positive reset of China-U.S. strategic relations.
为何中国不愿接受观海的邀请？这是因为在中国提出与美国构建"新型大国关系"后经历了四年真诚不懈但收获甚少甚至徒劳的努力-这些努力遇到的只有（美国）政府好斗的政治/军事力量在"东亚再平衡"战略下似乎永无休止的官僚行为-中国在很大程度上放弃了重启建立正面而有意义的中美战略合作的尝试。
Now, instead, China has embarked on what is being termed by some its own "pivot to Asia"–redirecting its foreign policy and strategic emphasis to its regional neighbors, and to the regions and countries along its New Maritime Silk Road and New Silk Road.
现在，作为替代，中国开始着手建立自己的"亚洲枢纽"-重点针对他的区域邻国及其新丝绸之路和海上丝绸之路的周边区域和国家重新定位他的对外政策与战略。
习大大与美国国务卿克里
The Obama administration's dismissal of China's proposal for a "new type of great power relations" has been insightfully analyzed in the ChinaUS Focus blog by Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at The Brookings Institution.
在布鲁金斯政策研究机构的John L. Thornton中国中心主管Cheng Li的"聚焦中美"博客中对奥巴马政府无视中国提出的"构建新型大国关系"的政策进行了详细剖析
"Americans view this Chinese concept with suspicion and cynicism," writes Li. "The United States is particularly sensitive to how its adoption of the concept would be portrayed by allies in the region."
"美国人对中国的这一政策充满了怀疑和嘲讽",Li写到."美国对于接受此建议后将在其亚洲盟友中产生何种影响极为敏感。"
Nothing seen from the Obama administration since the 2012 Sunnylands Summit suggests any rethinking of the Pentagon-driven American "rebalance" project or any other of the edifices of U.S. military hegemony in Asia, centered on the U.S.-Japan alliance sits at the center.
自2012年Sunnylads农场的"习奥会"以来，我们没有看到奥巴马政府对于五角大楼推动的"再平衡"政策或任何其他美国在亚洲的以美日同盟为核心的军事霸权政策的重新思考。
On the contrary, U.S. officials continue to describe the alliance, as did Wendy R. Sherman, U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, in Tokyo on January 30 as "the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia."
相反，美国的官员们继续将这一同盟形容为，正如负责政策事务的副国务卿Wendy R. Sherman1月30日在东京所言，"亚洲和平与繁荣的柱石"。
But the opposite is more likely true: that America's constant ratcheting up of its alliance-based military power in Asia, along with unremitting intrusive surveillance and patrols, and political interference in local territorial disputes, is a constant and growing threat to Asia peace and prosperity.
然而现实似乎正相反：美国持续增加他在亚洲盟友基地中的军事力量，同时增加的还有不间断的侵扰性监控和巡逻以及对低于领土争端的政治干涉，这正是对亚洲和平与繁荣的持续且不断增加的威胁。
ltaaaTxt
Said Rice: "Our rebalance is deepening longstanding alliances and forging new partnerships to expand cooperation. We're investing in ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, and the Pacific Islands Forum to strengthen their capacity to enforce regional norms…and resolve disputes peacefully….
赖斯提到："我们的平衡是深化长期的同盟，并建立新的伙伴关系来扩大合作。我们正在投资东盟、东亚峰会、太平洋岛国论坛以加强他们执行区域规范…以及和平解决争端的能力。
"With China, we're building a constructive relationship that expands practical cooperation…even as we confront real differences over human rights, cyber-enabled economic espionage, and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims."
"与中国,我们正在建立一种建设性的关系来扩大务实合作…即使我们切实面对着人权,网络经济间谍活动，以及使用威胁的手段进行领土主张的分歧。"
There are many indications Chinese policymakers have finally, if reluctantly, concluded that China's interests require a change in the hitherto U.S.-focused foreign policy.
有很多迹象表明中国的政策制定者已经最终得出的结论,尽管并不情愿, 即：中国的国家利益需要对迄今为止将中美关系作为外交政策核心内容的中国外交政策做出改变。
Analysts see the November 28-29 Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference in Beijing as marking a change in China's foreign policy and diplomatic priorities: China's own "pivot to Asia." President Xi Jinping delivered a seminally important speech at the conference, clearly setting out a comprehensive strategy and approach based on pursuit of "win-win" relationships, peace, development, and shared prosperity in the four arenas: neighboring countries' diplomacy, great power diplomacy, developing countries' diplomacy, and multilateral diplomacy.
分析人员将11月28至29日在北京召开的中央外事工作会议视作为中国对外政策和外交优先级做出的一种改变：中国自己的"亚洲枢纽"。习大大在会议上做出了重要讲话，明确提出了基于寻求"双赢"关系，和平，发展，以及在 "邻国"外交，大国外交，发展中国家外交及多边外交四个方面共享繁荣的政策。
Xi directed China's foreign affairs officials to build a "new type of international relations based on "win-win" cooperation. Significantly, while ordering further "give impetus to" constructing a new type of great power relations; he called for the "to address and implement" a new concept of sincere and benevolent neighboring country diplomacy).
习指示中国的外事官员建立一种"基于"双赢"的新型国际关系。值得注意的是，当进一步要求"全力"建设一种新型大国关系；他呼吁"定位并实施"一种真诚亲切的睦邻外交概念。
The highly respected Professor Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of Modern International Relations at Tsinghua University and the Chief Editor of The Chinese Journal of International Politics (Oxford University Press), has been more explicit in arguing for giving priority in China's diplomacy to neighboring countries, over the United States.
德高望重的教授Yan Xuetong，清华大学现代国际关系研究院院长兼《中国国际政治杂志》主编(牛津大学出版社),已经更加明确表示支持更优先发展对中国周边国家的外交关系，优先于美国。
Professor Yan presents his views persuasively in the January 13, 2015 Global Times. His basic argument is that the United States sees itself fundamentally threatened by China's rise and will more often oppose and seek to thwart this rise, than facilitate it. China's neighbors, on the contrary, have much to gain from participating in China's rise, and can through competent diplomacy be enlisted to support it for mutual benefit.
Yan教授在2015年1月13日的环球时报上令人信服的发表了他的观点。他的基本论点是，美国视中国的崛起为其根本威胁，并且会更加频繁的反对且力阻而不是促进这种崛起。中国的邻国，相反的，将更多从参与中国的崛起过程获益，并且能够通过参与这种外交关系达到互惠互利的目的。
Professor Yan's is a clear-eyed view both of China's interests, the international situation it faces, and its major challenges, most notably in relations with the United States. Yan is considered very close to Beijing's highest policy makers and to reflect or share their views. In my opinion, his conclusions are correct and right for China.
Yan教授在中国的兴趣，中国面临的国际环境及中国的主要挑战-大部分与美国相关-上目光犀利。Yan的考虑与北京最高决策制定者的想法非常贴近，并且反映或分享了他们的观点。在我看来，他的结论对中国来说是正确且恰当的。
A state visit is the highest level of treatment that can be accorded to a foreign head of state. Formalities include military ceremonies upon arrival, a black-tie dinner, residence at Blair House near the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue, and, if desired, an address to the Congress.
国家级别的访问是能够给予外国首脑的最高级别待遇。过程包括到达时的军队欢迎仪式，正式晚宴，在白宫附近的宾夕法尼亚大道上的布莱尔宾馆入住，以及，如果需要，一场国会演说。
It will be interesting to see how much of the full menu of state visit honors Xi demands. My guess is that he will pass on addressing congress, but will be pleased to show off his attractive and stylish wife, Peng Liyuan, at a White House dinner.
有趣的是美国安排的国宾级接待菜单在何种程度上满足了习的需求。我的猜测是他将跳过在国会演说，但会乐于在白宫晚宴上让他引人瞩目且时尚的妻子,彭麻麻出席。
The Obama administration–in rejecting China overtures to forge a "new type of great power relations" while continuing to pursue a wasteful, unnecessary, and counterproductive military power "pivot ("rebalance") to Asia"–has made an historic and potentially very costly mistake.
观海政府-在反对中国提议打造"新型大国关系"的同时继续寻求浪费，不必要且毫无效果的军事"亚洲再平衡"战略-正在犯一个历史性的且代价巨大的错误。
White House dinners and flashy ceremonies cannot obscure this tragic reality.
白宫晚宴和光鲜的欢迎仪式无法掩盖这一不幸的事实。
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-336872-1-1.html
Has China Given Up on the U.S.? Short Answer: Yes.
中国已经放弃美国了？简而言之：是的。
Has China given up on the United States? Such a question seems outlandish and whimsical, if not ridiculous. But there are good reasons for posing the question, and for answering yes.
中国是否已经放弃了美国？这样的问题看起来即使不可笑也是荒诞且不可思议的。然而仍然有足够的理由提出这样的问题，并且回答是"是的"。
Of course, it is easy for those of a Panglossian mentality—i.e., most of the mainstream commentariat toward the policies of the Obama administration–to be misled or encouraged to think that all is–or soon will be—right with the world, to view any development in China-U.S. relations in a positive light, as a signal of steadily and inevitably improving relations, if not systematic "convergence."
当然，对那些持有过分乐观心态的人来说-例如，对奥巴马政府的主流评论家们-他们很容易被误导或被鼓励认为所有的都是-或都将是-歌舞升平的，中美关系中的一切进步都应被视作为两国关系稳定且必然发展又或是系统性"走到一起"的信号。
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
ltaaaTxt
A more objective and sober assessment would question whether the Obama administration extended the invitation at the state visit level as a needed inducement to a China reluctant to accept it.
然而更客观冷静的思考将提出质疑，是否奥巴马政府延长这一国家级别的邀请其实是因为中国其实并不情愿接受。
Why might China be reluctant? It is because, after four years of sincere and painstaking, but fruitless, unreciprocated Chinese efforts to initiate a "new type of great power relations" with the United States—rather, meeting only the seemingly unstoppable bureaucratic momentum of the administration's bellicose political/military power "pivot (or "rebalance") to Asia"–China has largely given up on beginning a meaningful, positive reset of China-U.S. strategic relations.
为何中国不愿接受观海的邀请？这是因为在中国提出与美国构建"新型大国关系"后经历了四年真诚不懈但收获甚少甚至徒劳的努力-这些努力遇到的只有（美国）政府好斗的政治/军事力量在"东亚再平衡"战略下似乎永无休止的官僚行为-中国在很大程度上放弃了重启建立正面而有意义的中美战略合作的尝试。
Now, instead, China has embarked on what is being termed by some its own "pivot to Asia"–redirecting its foreign policy and strategic emphasis to its regional neighbors, and to the regions and countries along its New Maritime Silk Road and New Silk Road.
现在，作为替代，中国开始着手建立自己的"亚洲枢纽"-重点针对他的区域邻国及其新丝绸之路和海上丝绸之路的周边区域和国家重新定位他的对外政策与战略。
习大大与美国国务卿克里
The Obama administration's dismissal of China's proposal for a "new type of great power relations" has been insightfully analyzed in the ChinaUS Focus blog by Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at The Brookings Institution.
在布鲁金斯政策研究机构的John L. Thornton中国中心主管Cheng Li的"聚焦中美"博客中对奥巴马政府无视中国提出的"构建新型大国关系"的政策进行了详细剖析
"Americans view this Chinese concept with suspicion and cynicism," writes Li. "The United States is particularly sensitive to how its adoption of the concept would be portrayed by allies in the region."
"美国人对中国的这一政策充满了怀疑和嘲讽",Li写到."美国对于接受此建议后将在其亚洲盟友中产生何种影响极为敏感。"
Nothing seen from the Obama administration since the 2012 Sunnylands Summit suggests any rethinking of the Pentagon-driven American "rebalance" project or any other of the edifices of U.S. military hegemony in Asia, centered on the U.S.-Japan alliance sits at the center.
自2012年Sunnylads农场的"习奥会"以来，我们没有看到奥巴马政府对于五角大楼推动的"再平衡"政策或任何其他美国在亚洲的以美日同盟为核心的军事霸权政策的重新思考。
On the contrary, U.S. officials continue to describe the alliance, as did Wendy R. Sherman, U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, in Tokyo on January 30 as "the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia."
相反，美国的官员们继续将这一同盟形容为，正如负责政策事务的副国务卿Wendy R. Sherman1月30日在东京所言，"亚洲和平与繁荣的柱石"。
But the opposite is more likely true: that America's constant ratcheting up of its alliance-based military power in Asia, along with unremitting intrusive surveillance and patrols, and political interference in local territorial disputes, is a constant and growing threat to Asia peace and prosperity.
然而现实似乎正相反：美国持续增加他在亚洲盟友基地中的军事力量，同时增加的还有不间断的侵扰性监控和巡逻以及对低于领土争端的政治干涉，这正是对亚洲和平与繁荣的持续且不断增加的威胁。
ltaaaTxt
Said Rice: "Our rebalance is deepening longstanding alliances and forging new partnerships to expand cooperation. We're investing in ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, and the Pacific Islands Forum to strengthen their capacity to enforce regional norms…and resolve disputes peacefully….
赖斯提到："我们的平衡是深化长期的同盟，并建立新的伙伴关系来扩大合作。我们正在投资东盟、东亚峰会、太平洋岛国论坛以加强他们执行区域规范…以及和平解决争端的能力。
"With China, we're building a constructive relationship that expands practical cooperation…even as we confront real differences over human rights, cyber-enabled economic espionage, and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims."
"与中国,我们正在建立一种建设性的关系来扩大务实合作…即使我们切实面对着人权,网络经济间谍活动，以及使用威胁的手段进行领土主张的分歧。"
There are many indications Chinese policymakers have finally, if reluctantly, concluded that China's interests require a change in the hitherto U.S.-focused foreign policy.
有很多迹象表明中国的政策制定者已经最终得出的结论,尽管并不情愿, 即：中国的国家利益需要对迄今为止将中美关系作为外交政策核心内容的中国外交政策做出改变。
Analysts see the November 28-29 Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference in Beijing as marking a change in China's foreign policy and diplomatic priorities: China's own "pivot to Asia." President Xi Jinping delivered a seminally important speech at the conference, clearly setting out a comprehensive strategy and approach based on pursuit of "win-win" relationships, peace, development, and shared prosperity in the four arenas: neighboring countries' diplomacy, great power diplomacy, developing countries' diplomacy, and multilateral diplomacy.
分析人员将11月28至29日在北京召开的中央外事工作会议视作为中国对外政策和外交优先级做出的一种改变：中国自己的"亚洲枢纽"。习大大在会议上做出了重要讲话，明确提出了基于寻求"双赢"关系，和平，发展，以及在 "邻国"外交，大国外交，发展中国家外交及多边外交四个方面共享繁荣的政策。
Xi directed China's foreign affairs officials to build a "new type of international relations based on "win-win" cooperation. Significantly, while ordering further "give impetus to" constructing a new type of great power relations; he called for the "to address and implement" a new concept of sincere and benevolent neighboring country diplomacy).
习指示中国的外事官员建立一种"基于"双赢"的新型国际关系。值得注意的是，当进一步要求"全力"建设一种新型大国关系；他呼吁"定位并实施"一种真诚亲切的睦邻外交概念。
The highly respected Professor Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of Modern International Relations at Tsinghua University and the Chief Editor of The Chinese Journal of International Politics (Oxford University Press), has been more explicit in arguing for giving priority in China's diplomacy to neighboring countries, over the United States.
德高望重的教授Yan Xuetong，清华大学现代国际关系研究院院长兼《中国国际政治杂志》主编(牛津大学出版社),已经更加明确表示支持更优先发展对中国周边国家的外交关系，优先于美国。
Professor Yan presents his views persuasively in the January 13, 2015 Global Times. His basic argument is that the United States sees itself fundamentally threatened by China's rise and will more often oppose and seek to thwart this rise, than facilitate it. China's neighbors, on the contrary, have much to gain from participating in China's rise, and can through competent diplomacy be enlisted to support it for mutual benefit.
Yan教授在2015年1月13日的环球时报上令人信服的发表了他的观点。他的基本论点是，美国视中国的崛起为其根本威胁，并且会更加频繁的反对且力阻而不是促进这种崛起。中国的邻国，相反的，将更多从参与中国的崛起过程获益，并且能够通过参与这种外交关系达到互惠互利的目的。
Professor Yan's is a clear-eyed view both of China's interests, the international situation it faces, and its major challenges, most notably in relations with the United States. Yan is considered very close to Beijing's highest policy makers and to reflect or share their views. In my opinion, his conclusions are correct and right for China.
Yan教授在中国的兴趣，中国面临的国际环境及中国的主要挑战-大部分与美国相关-上目光犀利。Yan的考虑与北京最高决策制定者的想法非常贴近，并且反映或分享了他们的观点。在我看来，他的结论对中国来说是正确且恰当的。
A state visit is the highest level of treatment that can be accorded to a foreign head of state. Formalities include military ceremonies upon arrival, a black-tie dinner, residence at Blair House near the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue, and, if desired, an address to the Congress.
国家级别的访问是能够给予外国首脑的最高级别待遇。过程包括到达时的军队欢迎仪式，正式晚宴，在白宫附近的宾夕法尼亚大道上的布莱尔宾馆入住，以及，如果需要，一场国会演说。
It will be interesting to see how much of the full menu of state visit honors Xi demands. My guess is that he will pass on addressing congress, but will be pleased to show off his attractive and stylish wife, Peng Liyuan, at a White House dinner.
有趣的是美国安排的国宾级接待菜单在何种程度上满足了习的需求。我的猜测是他将跳过在国会演说，但会乐于在白宫晚宴上让他引人瞩目且时尚的妻子,彭麻麻出席。
The Obama administration–in rejecting China overtures to forge a "new type of great power relations" while continuing to pursue a wasteful, unnecessary, and counterproductive military power "pivot ("rebalance") to Asia"–has made an historic and potentially very costly mistake.
观海政府-在反对中国提议打造"新型大国关系"的同时继续寻求浪费，不必要且毫无效果的军事"亚洲再平衡"战略-正在犯一个历史性的且代价巨大的错误。
White House dinners and flashy ceremonies cannot obscure this tragic reality.
白宫晚宴和光鲜的欢迎仪式无法掩盖这一不幸的事实。原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-336872-1-1.html
Has China Given Up on the U.S.? Short Answer: Yes.
中国已经放弃美国了？简而言之：是的。
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Has China given up on the United States? Such a question seems outlandish and whimsical, if not ridiculous. But there are good reasons for posing the question, and for answering yes.
中国是否已经放弃了美国？这样的问题看起来即使不可笑也是荒诞且不可思议的。然而仍然有足够的理由提出这样的问题，并且回答是"是的"。
Of course, it is easy for those of a Panglossian mentality—i.e., most of the mainstream commentariat toward the policies of the Obama administration–to be misled or encouraged to think that all is–or soon will be—right with the world, to view any development in China-U.S. relations in a positive light, as a signal of steadily and inevitably improving relations, if not systematic "convergence."
当然，对那些持有过分乐观心态的人来说-例如，对奥巴马政府的主流评论家们-他们很容易被误导或被鼓励认为所有的都是-或都将是-歌舞升平的，中美关系中的一切进步都应被视作为两国关系稳定且必然发展又或是系统性"走到一起"的信号。
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
ltaaaTxt
A more objective and sober assessment would question whether the Obama administration extended the invitation at the state visit level as a needed inducement to a China reluctant to accept it.
然而更客观冷静的思考将提出质疑，是否奥巴马政府延长这一国家级别的邀请其实是因为中国其实并不情愿接受。
Why might China be reluctant? It is because, after four years of sincere and painstaking, but fruitless, unreciprocated Chinese efforts to initiate a "new type of great power relations" with the United States—rather, meeting only the seemingly unstoppable bureaucratic momentum of the administration's bellicose political/military power "pivot (or "rebalance") to Asia"–China has largely given up on beginning a meaningful, positive reset of China-U.S. strategic relations.
为何中国不愿接受观海的邀请？这是因为在中国提出与美国构建"新型大国关系"后经历了四年真诚不懈但收获甚少甚至徒劳的努力-这些努力遇到的只有（美国）政府好斗的政治/军事力量在"东亚再平衡"战略下似乎永无休止的官僚行为-中国在很大程度上放弃了重启建立正面而有意义的中美战略合作的尝试。
Now, instead, China has embarked on what is being termed by some its own "pivot to Asia"–redirecting its foreign policy and strategic emphasis to its regional neighbors, and to the regions and countries along its New Maritime Silk Road and New Silk Road.
现在，作为替代，中国开始着手建立自己的"亚洲枢纽"-重点针对他的区域邻国及其新丝绸之路和海上丝绸之路的周边区域和国家重新定位他的对外政策与战略。
习大大与美国国务卿克里
The Obama administration's dismissal of China's proposal for a "new type of great power relations" has been insightfully analyzed in the ChinaUS Focus blog by Cheng Li, director of the John L. Thornton China Center at The Brookings Institution.
在布鲁金斯政策研究机构的John L. Thornton中国中心主管Cheng Li的"聚焦中美"博客中对奥巴马政府无视中国提出的"构建新型大国关系"的政策进行了详细剖析
"Americans view this Chinese concept with suspicion and cynicism," writes Li. "The United States is particularly sensitive to how its adoption of the concept would be portrayed by allies in the region."
"美国人对中国的这一政策充满了怀疑和嘲讽",Li写到."美国对于接受此建议后将在其亚洲盟友中产生何种影响极为敏感。"
Nothing seen from the Obama administration since the 2012 Sunnylands Summit suggests any rethinking of the Pentagon-driven American "rebalance" project or any other of the edifices of U.S. military hegemony in Asia, centered on the U.S.-Japan alliance sits at the center.
自2012年Sunnylads农场的"习奥会"以来，我们没有看到奥巴马政府对于五角大楼推动的"再平衡"政策或任何其他美国在亚洲的以美日同盟为核心的军事霸权政策的重新思考。
On the contrary, U.S. officials continue to describe the alliance, as did Wendy R. Sherman, U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, in Tokyo on January 30 as "the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia."
相反，美国的官员们继续将这一同盟形容为，正如负责政策事务的副国务卿Wendy R. Sherman1月30日在东京所言，"亚洲和平与繁荣的柱石"。
But the opposite is more likely true: that America's constant ratcheting up of its alliance-based military power in Asia, along with unremitting intrusive surveillance and patrols, and political interference in local territorial disputes, is a constant and growing threat to Asia peace and prosperity.
然而现实似乎正相反：美国持续增加他在亚洲盟友基地中的军事力量，同时增加的还有不间断的侵扰性监控和巡逻以及对低于领土争端的政治干涉，这正是对亚洲和平与繁荣的持续且不断增加的威胁。
ltaaaTxt
Said Rice: "Our rebalance is deepening longstanding alliances and forging new partnerships to expand cooperation. We're investing in ASEAN, the East Asia Summit, and the Pacific Islands Forum to strengthen their capacity to enforce regional norms…and resolve disputes peacefully….
赖斯提到："我们的平衡是深化长期的同盟，并建立新的伙伴关系来扩大合作。我们正在投资东盟、东亚峰会、太平洋岛国论坛以加强他们执行区域规范…以及和平解决争端的能力。
"With China, we're building a constructive relationship that expands practical cooperation…even as we confront real differences over human rights, cyber-enabled economic espionage, and the use of coercion to advance territorial claims."
"与中国,我们正在建立一种建设性的关系来扩大务实合作…即使我们切实面对着人权,网络经济间谍活动，以及使用威胁的手段进行领土主张的分歧。"
There are many indications Chinese policymakers have finally, if reluctantly, concluded that China's interests require a change in the hitherto U.S.-focused foreign policy.
有很多迹象表明中国的政策制定者已经最终得出的结论,尽管并不情愿, 即：中国的国家利益需要对迄今为止将中美关系作为外交政策核心内容的中国外交政策做出改变。
Analysts see the November 28-29 Central Foreign Affairs Work Conference in Beijing as marking a change in China's foreign policy and diplomatic priorities: China's own "pivot to Asia." President Xi Jinping delivered a seminally important speech at the conference, clearly setting out a comprehensive strategy and approach based on pursuit of "win-win" relationships, peace, development, and shared prosperity in the four arenas: neighboring countries' diplomacy, great power diplomacy, developing countries' diplomacy, and multilateral diplomacy.
分析人员将11月28至29日在北京召开的中央外事工作会议视作为中国对外政策和外交优先级做出的一种改变：中国自己的"亚洲枢纽"。习大大在会议上做出了重要讲话，明确提出了基于寻求"双赢"关系，和平，发展，以及在 "邻国"外交，大国外交，发展中国家外交及多边外交四个方面共享繁荣的政策。
Xi directed China's foreign affairs officials to build a "new type of international relations based on "win-win" cooperation. Significantly, while ordering further "give impetus to" constructing a new type of great power relations; he called for the "to address and implement" a new concept of sincere and benevolent neighboring country diplomacy).
习指示中国的外事官员建立一种"基于"双赢"的新型国际关系。值得注意的是，当进一步要求"全力"建设一种新型大国关系；他呼吁"定位并实施"一种真诚亲切的睦邻外交概念。
The highly respected Professor Yan Xuetong, Dean of the Institute of Modern International Relations at Tsinghua University and the Chief Editor of The Chinese Journal of International Politics (Oxford University Press), has been more explicit in arguing for giving priority in China's diplomacy to neighboring countries, over the United States.
德高望重的教授Yan Xuetong，清华大学现代国际关系研究院院长兼《中国国际政治杂志》主编(牛津大学出版社),已经更加明确表示支持更优先发展对中国周边国家的外交关系，优先于美国。
Professor Yan presents his views persuasively in the January 13, 2015 Global Times. His basic argument is that the United States sees itself fundamentally threatened by China's rise and will more often oppose and seek to thwart this rise, than facilitate it. China's neighbors, on the contrary, have much to gain from participating in China's rise, and can through competent diplomacy be enlisted to support it for mutual benefit.
Yan教授在2015年1月13日的环球时报上令人信服的发表了他的观点。他的基本论点是，美国视中国的崛起为其根本威胁，并且会更加频繁的反对且力阻而不是促进这种崛起。中国的邻国，相反的，将更多从参与中国的崛起过程获益，并且能够通过参与这种外交关系达到互惠互利的目的。
Professor Yan's is a clear-eyed view both of China's interests, the international situation it faces, and its major challenges, most notably in relations with the United States. Yan is considered very close to Beijing's highest policy makers and to reflect or share their views. In my opinion, his conclusions are correct and right for China.
Yan教授在中国的兴趣，中国面临的国际环境及中国的主要挑战-大部分与美国相关-上目光犀利。Yan的考虑与北京最高决策制定者的想法非常贴近，并且反映或分享了他们的观点。在我看来，他的结论对中国来说是正确且恰当的。
A state visit is the highest level of treatment that can be accorded to a foreign head of state. Formalities include military ceremonies upon arrival, a black-tie dinner, residence at Blair House near the White House on Pennsylvania Avenue, and, if desired, an address to the Congress.
国家级别的访问是能够给予外国首脑的最高级别待遇。过程包括到达时的军队欢迎仪式，正式晚宴，在白宫附近的宾夕法尼亚大道上的布莱尔宾馆入住，以及，如果需要，一场国会演说。
It will be interesting to see how much of the full menu of state visit honors Xi demands. My guess is that he will pass on addressing congress, but will be pleased to show off his attractive and stylish wife, Peng Liyuan, at a White House dinner.
有趣的是美国安排的国宾级接待菜单在何种程度上满足了习的需求。我的猜测是他将跳过在国会演说，但会乐于在白宫晚宴上让他引人瞩目且时尚的妻子,彭麻麻出席。
The Obama administration–in rejecting China overtures to forge a "new type of great power relations" while continuing to pursue a wasteful, unnecessary, and counterproductive military power "pivot ("rebalance") to Asia"–has made an historic and potentially very costly mistake.
观海政府-在反对中国提议打造"新型大国关系"的同时继续寻求浪费，不必要且毫无效果的军事"亚洲再平衡"战略-正在犯一个历史性的且代价巨大的错误。
White House dinners and flashy ceremonies cannot obscure this tragic reality.
白宫晚宴和光鲜的欢迎仪式无法掩盖这一不幸的事实。
美国自干五的发言？