中国的崛起和亚洲局势，使美中关系下降(转自龙腾)

2014-07-08 qsqsqsqs12 1982 13 0
译文简介
《华盛顿邮报》中国的崛起和亚洲的紧张局势导致美中关系进入下降的通道。在华盛顿，以下说法已经深入人心：中国是打算通过军事武力的威胁来推动其领土要求，并最终想要把美国赶出亚洲。
译文来源

正文翻译
原创翻译：龙腾网
中国的崛起和亚洲的紧张局势导致美中关系进入下降的通道

China’s rise and Asian tensions send U.S. relations into downward spiral
BY SIMON DENYER July 7 at 9:39 AM

BEIJING — Hundreds of rocky islands, islets, sandbanks, reefs and cays lay scattered across Asia’s eastern oceans, unimportant-looking to the naked eye but significant enough to spark what may be the most worrying deterioration in U.S.-China relations in decades.
China’s military rise, and its increasingly assertive claims to sovereignty of these largely uninhabited lumps of rock, coral and sand, have set it on a possible collision course with its neighbors, who also claim various of the archipelagos, and with the United States, which has important alliances with three of the rival claimants and would be obliged to defend them in case of an attack.
As Chinese and Vietnamese ships ram each other in the contested waters, and Chinese and Japanese fighter jets play games of chicken in Asia’s disputed skies, the risk of military escalation is growing. Even more significantly, the stand-off is generating bad blood between Washington and Beijing and could torpedo cooperation on important global issues, including the Middle East, climate change and nuclear proliferation.

北京- 数以百计的岩石岛屿，小岛，沙洲，礁和珊瑚礁散落在亚洲东部的海洋上，肉眼看起来虽然感觉不重要但却足以引发可能是在美中数十年来关系中最令人担忧的恶化。
中国的军事崛起，以及其日益自信在无人居住的岩石，珊瑚礁和沙洲的主权，而且可能与也声称具有这些群岛主权的邻居发生冲突，并且美国与其中的三个声索对手具有同盟关系，进而可能被迫在攻击的情况下卷入保护他们。
由于中国和越南在有争议海域的船只互相猛撞，以及中国和日本的战斗机在亚洲有争议的天空玩老鹰捉小鸡的游戏，都使得军事升级的风险越来越大。更为显著的是，对峙是产生在华盛顿和北京之间嫌隙加深的情况下，并可能在重要的全球性问题，包括中东，气候变化和核扩散合作上产生对峙。

Secretary of State John F. Kerry and Treasury Secretary Jack Lew visit Beijing on Wednesday and Thursday for the sixth annual Strategic and Economic Dialogue. And while Washington has been focused more on Iraq and Syria, Ukraine and Russia, some say the U.S.-China relationship is facing its stiffest test since President Nixon traveled to Mao Zedong’s China in 1972.
“U.S.-China relations are worse than they have been since the normalization of relations, and East Asia today is less stable than at any time since the end of the Cold War,” said Robert Ross, a political science professor at Boston College and associate of Harvard’s John King Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies.
The Obama administration’s foreign policy rebalance, or “pivot,” to Asia has been widely interpreted in China as an attempt to contain its rise.

国务卿约翰•克里和财政部部长杰克•卢在周三和周四访问北京出席第六次的年度战略与经济对话。尽管华盛顿一直把重心目标放在伊拉克和叙利亚，乌克兰和俄罗斯上，所以有人说美中国关系正面临着自尼克松总统在1972年前往毛泽东中国以来的僵硬状况。
“现在的美中关系是两国关系正常化后极为糟糕的，而且今天的东亚是自冷战结束以来最不稳定的”罗伯特•罗斯说，他是在波士顿学院政治学的教授和哈佛大学费正清中国研究中心的副教授。
奥巴马政府的外交政策“重新平衡”，或“重返亚洲”已被广泛解释为遏制中国崛起的一种尝试。

U.S. efforts to bolster ties with regional states such as Vietnam and to reassure nervous Asian allies such as Japan and the Philippines that it stands ready to defend them militarily have created a new narrative in Beijing — that the United States has encouraged China’s neighbors to push their territorial claims more aggressively.
“It is clear that the disputes are between two sides, but the United States is taking sides, and it is not impartial,” Adm. Sun Jianguo, deputy chief of the general staff of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, said in an interview.
In Washington, a rival narrative is taking hold: that China is intent on pushing its territorial claims through the threat of military force and that it ultimately wants to push the United States out of Asia.

美国努力加强与区域国家，如越南的关系，安抚紧张的亚洲盟国，如日本和菲律宾，它随时准备为他们进行军事上的防御，都创造了北京对此的看法——美国一直鼓励中国的邻国并更加积极的推动他们的领土要求。
“很显然，争议存在于双方，但美国有所偏袒，这是不公平的”，海军上将孙建国，中国人民解放军副总参谋长，在接受采访时说。
在华盛顿，以下说法已经深入人心：中国是打算通过军事武力的威胁来推动其领土要求，并最终想要把美国赶出亚洲。

There have been more intense crises in U.S.-China relations in the past, including the fall-out from the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of pro-democracy protesters, but none, perhaps, as fundamental and structural as this.
Last November, China spooked its neighbors by announcing an Air Defense Identification Zone over the East China Sea, including over islands administered by Japan.
In March, the Chinese coast guard tried to block Philippines vessels from resupplying soldiers stationed on the disputed Second Thomas Shoal. Two months later, it deployed a $1 billion deep-sea oil drilling rig into disputed waters off the Vietnamese coast; it has also been building artificial islands in the South China Sea that U.S. officials say are meant to enhance its stance on sovereignty.

过去美国与中国的关系上已经有更强烈的危机发生过，包括（8）（9）（6）（4），但都没有这次是根本和结构性的。
去年11月，中国在东中国海宣布的防空识别区，其中包括了由日本管理的岛屿并吓坏了邻居。
在3月，中国海岸警卫队试图阻止菲律宾船只在有争议的第二托马斯浅滩给驻扎士兵的补给。两个月后，它进入离越南海岸有争议海域部署了价值100亿美元深海石油钻机，它还在南中国海建设人工岛，美国官员说，这些都是为了提升其对主权的立场。

China says it has historical claims to a huge swath of the South China Sea, but its recent assertiveness has puzzled experts, appearing to undermine last year’s efforts to promote a more cooperative, development-focused relationship with its neighbors.
Some argue that President Xi Jinping may see external threats as useful in ushering in tough reforms, including of the military; others say that China is simply baring its fangs as it seeks to build a new Asian order where it, not the United States, is the major player in the region.
Most agree, though, that China is asserting itself partly because it now possesses a modern deep-water navy and professional coast guard.

中国说，历史上它对南中国海有一个巨大的大片面积的声索，但其近期的自信，而对去年努力促进与邻国更加合作，注重发展的关系的破坏一直困扰着专家。
一些人认为，Xi可能认为外部的威胁可以用来推进内部艰难的改革，包括军事上的；有人说，中国只是露出了獠牙，因为它旨在建立一个新的亚洲的秩序，而其中该地区的主要参与者不能是美国。
大多数人都同意，虽然，中国正在形成这些部分是因为它现在拥有现代化的深水海军和专业的海岸警卫队。

Whatever the reason, China’s rise has left the United States caught between its commitments to allies and its desire to maintain a constructive relationship with China. In recent months, it has seemed to emphasize the former, sending B-52 bombers to fly through China’s air defense zone and threatening to reevaluate its military posture in Asia if China extends the air defense zone to the South China Sea.
In April, President Obama visited U.S. allies Japan, South Korea and the Philippines in a trip that pointedly excluded China. While in Japan, he became the first president to explicitly say that the U.S. defense treaty covered islands administered by China. In the Philippines, he signed a new 10-year defense agreement.

不管什么原因，中国的崛起已经迫使美国强调其对盟友的承诺，和它希望与中国保持建设性的关系。近几个月来，它似乎更强调前者，从派遣B-52轰炸机通过中国的防空识别区并威胁如果中国扩展了南中国海的防空区域，要重新评估其在亚洲的军事姿态。
今年四月，美国总统奥巴马在有针对性地排除中国的旅行访问了美国的盟友日本，韩国和菲律宾。而在日本，他成了美国的防御条约适用于中国管理的海岛第一任美国总统。在菲律宾，他签署了一份新的10年防务协定。

There has been an equal and opposite reaction from Beijing. When U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel implicitly accused China in May of “intimidation, coercion or the threat of force” in asserting its territorial claims and warned that the United States “will not look the other way when fundamental principles of the international order are being challenged,” Lt. Gen. Wang Guanzhong called Hagel’s comments “excessive” and “suffused with hegemony, incitement, threats and intimidation,” China Central Television reported.
Daniel Russel, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, argues that the blunt exchanges between the two countries could be beneficial.
“It is an indication of health, I believe, that we are able to be so direct with China, without fearing that we are tanking the relationship or the prospects for cooperation,” he said in an interview. “We do not pull our punches, but at the same time we are working hand-in-hand in China wherever we can.”

北京已经有来了一个大小相等，方向相反的反作用力。当美国国防部长哈格尔在对中国5月份的“护其领土要求被指责为“恐吓，胁迫或以武力相威胁”，并警告说，美国“不会容忍国际秩序的基本原则受到挑战“，王冠中中将称黑格尔的意见为”过分“和”泛霸权，煽动，威胁和恐吓，“中国中央电视台报道。
丹尼尔•拉塞尔，国家负责东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿，认为两国之间的挫峰交流可能是有益的。
“这是健康的标志，我相信，我们能够这么直接与中国相对，而不用担心我们的关系或合作的前景会发生动摇，”他在接受采访时说。 “我们不拉我们的拳，但与此同时，我们可以在任何地方与中国一起手牵手的合作。”

The United States should have been more assertive in forging closer economic links with Asia through a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal and with China through a bilateral investment treaty, some critics say.
“We need a lot more weight on the economic side, because that’s what keeps your relationship from tipping into a Cold War relationship,” said Christopher Johnson of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Fueling China’s adventurism is also a feeling among some Chinese officials that the United States is inconsistent and lacks resolve. They point to the administration’s unwillingness to punish Syria for using chemical weapons and its failure to prevent the Russian invasion of Crimea as showing it to be a “paper tiger,” said Johnson, the CIA’s former top China analyst, who is in regular contact with Chinese officials. “They believe Obama is fundamentally weak and disinterested,” he said.
But, Johnson added, Beijing would be wrong to underestimate the U.S. commitment to defend Asia. “America is a sleeping giant,” he said, “and if you prod us too hard, we are going to mobilize.”

美国应该通过跨太平洋伙伴关系（TPP）的贸易协议加强与亚洲紧密的经济联系，并与中国在通过双边投资条约时更加自信，有评论说。
“我们需要在经济方面有更多的考量，因为这可以保持不落入冷战对抗的关系”战略与国际问题研究中心的克里斯托弗•约翰逊说。 中国的冒险主义在发酵也是一些中国官员的感觉，美国是不一致的，而且缺乏决心。他们指出，政府不愿意惩罚叙利亚使用化学武器并且及未能阻止俄罗斯入侵克里米亚证明它是一只“纸老虎”，与中国官员经常接触的中情局的前高级中国分析师的约翰逊逊。 “他们认为奥巴马是根本上软弱而无利害关系的”他说。
但是，约翰逊补充说，北京低估了美国捍卫亚太的决心将是错误的。 “美国是一个沉睡的巨人”，他说，“如果你一直的督促我们，我们将会发动起来。”

Either way, foreign policy experts agree on this: that the relationship deserves much more attention than it is getting. Kerry is widely seen as more interested in the Middle East, while National Security Adviser Susan Rice has yet to visit Beijing, leaving China policy without a sufficiently senior voice in Washington. Meanwhile, Obama’s refusal to come to China for a return version of last year’s Sunnylands summit with Xi has also “personally irritated” his Chinese counterpart, said Johnson — although he is scheduled to visit Beijing for an Asia Pacific summit in November.
With that visit, at least, and with this week’s Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the administration has a chance to focus minds on one of its most serious foreign policy challenges, experts say. “Summits,” said Ross of Boston College, “have the value of making presidents pay attention.”
Gu Jinglu contributed to this report.

无论哪种方式，外交政策专家同意这一点：我们之间的关系是非常值得更多的关注比它越来越。克里被广泛视为更感兴趣的是中东地区，而国家安全顾问苏珊•赖斯还没有访问北京，留给中国的政策没有在华盛顿一个足够高的声音。同时，奥巴马拒绝来中国去年的Sunnylands峰会的回报版本曦还“亲自激怒”他的中国同行说，约翰逊 - 尽管他将访问北京参加亚太峰会十一月。
有了那次访问，至少，和本周的战略与经济对话，奥巴马政府有机会专注于心灵的最严重的外交政策挑战之一，专家说。 “峰会”之称的波士顿学院的罗斯，“有可能使总统重视的价值。”
顾璟璐促成了这一报告。

Simon Denyer is The Post’s bureau chief in China. He served previously as bureau chief in India and as a Reuters bureau chief in Washington, India and Pakistan.

西蒙Denyer是中国邮政的分社社长。此前，他曾担任印度分社社长，并在华盛顿，印度和巴基斯坦路透社任总编辑。

2014-07-08 qsqsqsqs12 1982 13 0
译文简介
《华盛顿邮报》中国的崛起和亚洲的紧张局势导致美中关系进入下降的通道。在华盛顿，以下说法已经深入人心：中国是打算通过军事武力的威胁来推动其领土要求，并最终想要把美国赶出亚洲。
译文来源

正文翻译
原创翻译：龙腾网
中国的崛起和亚洲的紧张局势导致美中关系进入下降的通道

China’s rise and Asian tensions send U.S. relations into downward spiral
BY SIMON DENYER July 7 at 9:39 AM

BEIJING — Hundreds of rocky islands, islets, sandbanks, reefs and cays lay scattered across Asia’s eastern oceans, unimportant-looking to the naked eye but significant enough to spark what may be the most worrying deterioration in U.S.-China relations in decades.
China’s military rise, and its increasingly assertive claims to sovereignty of these largely uninhabited lumps of rock, coral and sand, have set it on a possible collision course with its neighbors, who also claim various of the archipelagos, and with the United States, which has important alliances with three of the rival claimants and would be obliged to defend them in case of an attack.
As Chinese and Vietnamese ships ram each other in the contested waters, and Chinese and Japanese fighter jets play games of chicken in Asia’s disputed skies, the risk of military escalation is growing. Even more significantly, the stand-off is generating bad blood between Washington and Beijing and could torpedo cooperation on important global issues, including the Middle East, climate change and nuclear proliferation.

北京- 数以百计的岩石岛屿，小岛，沙洲，礁和珊瑚礁散落在亚洲东部的海洋上，肉眼看起来虽然感觉不重要但却足以引发可能是在美中数十年来关系中最令人担忧的恶化。
中国的军事崛起，以及其日益自信在无人居住的岩石，珊瑚礁和沙洲的主权，而且可能与也声称具有这些群岛主权的邻居发生冲突，并且美国与其中的三个声索对手具有同盟关系，进而可能被迫在攻击的情况下卷入保护他们。
由于中国和越南在有争议海域的船只互相猛撞，以及中国和日本的战斗机在亚洲有争议的天空玩老鹰捉小鸡的游戏，都使得军事升级的风险越来越大。更为显著的是，对峙是产生在华盛顿和北京之间嫌隙加深的情况下，并可能在重要的全球性问题，包括中东，气候变化和核扩散合作上产生对峙。

Secretary of State John F. Kerry and Treasury Secretary Jack Lew visit Beijing on Wednesday and Thursday for the sixth annual Strategic and Economic Dialogue. And while Washington has been focused more on Iraq and Syria, Ukraine and Russia, some say the U.S.-China relationship is facing its stiffest test since President Nixon traveled to Mao Zedong’s China in 1972.
“U.S.-China relations are worse than they have been since the normalization of relations, and East Asia today is less stable than at any time since the end of the Cold War,” said Robert Ross, a political science professor at Boston College and associate of Harvard’s John King Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies.
The Obama administration’s foreign policy rebalance, or “pivot,” to Asia has been widely interpreted in China as an attempt to contain its rise.

国务卿约翰•克里和财政部部长杰克•卢在周三和周四访问北京出席第六次的年度战略与经济对话。尽管华盛顿一直把重心目标放在伊拉克和叙利亚，乌克兰和俄罗斯上，所以有人说美中国关系正面临着自尼克松总统在1972年前往毛泽东中国以来的僵硬状况。
“现在的美中关系是两国关系正常化后极为糟糕的，而且今天的东亚是自冷战结束以来最不稳定的”罗伯特•罗斯说，他是在波士顿学院政治学的教授和哈佛大学费正清中国研究中心的副教授。
奥巴马政府的外交政策“重新平衡”，或“重返亚洲”已被广泛解释为遏制中国崛起的一种尝试。

U.S. efforts to bolster ties with regional states such as Vietnam and to reassure nervous Asian allies such as Japan and the Philippines that it stands ready to defend them militarily have created a new narrative in Beijing — that the United States has encouraged China’s neighbors to push their territorial claims more aggressively.
“It is clear that the disputes are between two sides, but the United States is taking sides, and it is not impartial,” Adm. Sun Jianguo, deputy chief of the general staff of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, said in an interview.
In Washington, a rival narrative is taking hold: that China is intent on pushing its territorial claims through the threat of military force and that it ultimately wants to push the United States out of Asia.

美国努力加强与区域国家，如越南的关系，安抚紧张的亚洲盟国，如日本和菲律宾，它随时准备为他们进行军事上的防御，都创造了北京对此的看法——美国一直鼓励中国的邻国并更加积极的推动他们的领土要求。
“很显然，争议存在于双方，但美国有所偏袒，这是不公平的”，海军上将孙建国，中国人民解放军副总参谋长，在接受采访时说。
在华盛顿，以下说法已经深入人心：中国是打算通过军事武力的威胁来推动其领土要求，并最终想要把美国赶出亚洲。

There have been more intense crises in U.S.-China relations in the past, including the fall-out from the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre of pro-democracy protesters, but none, perhaps, as fundamental and structural as this.
Last November, China spooked its neighbors by announcing an Air Defense Identification Zone over the East China Sea, including over islands administered by Japan.
In March, the Chinese coast guard tried to block Philippines vessels from resupplying soldiers stationed on the disputed Second Thomas Shoal. Two months later, it deployed a $1 billion deep-sea oil drilling rig into disputed waters off the Vietnamese coast; it has also been building artificial islands in the South China Sea that U.S. officials say are meant to enhance its stance on sovereignty.

过去美国与中国的关系上已经有更强烈的危机发生过，包括（8）（9）（6）（4），但都没有这次是根本和结构性的。
去年11月，中国在东中国海宣布的防空识别区，其中包括了由日本管理的岛屿并吓坏了邻居。
在3月，中国海岸警卫队试图阻止菲律宾船只在有争议的第二托马斯浅滩给驻扎士兵的补给。两个月后，它进入离越南海岸有争议海域部署了价值100亿美元深海石油钻机，它还在南中国海建设人工岛，美国官员说，这些都是为了提升其对主权的立场。

China says it has historical claims to a huge swath of the South China Sea, but its recent assertiveness has puzzled experts, appearing to undermine last year’s efforts to promote a more cooperative, development-focused relationship with its neighbors.
Some argue that President Xi Jinping may see external threats as useful in ushering in tough reforms, including of the military; others say that China is simply baring its fangs as it seeks to build a new Asian order where it, not the United States, is the major player in the region.
Most agree, though, that China is asserting itself partly because it now possesses a modern deep-water navy and professional coast guard.

中国说，历史上它对南中国海有一个巨大的大片面积的声索，但其近期的自信，而对去年努力促进与邻国更加合作，注重发展的关系的破坏一直困扰着专家。
一些人认为，Xi可能认为外部的威胁可以用来推进内部艰难的改革，包括军事上的；有人说，中国只是露出了獠牙，因为它旨在建立一个新的亚洲的秩序，而其中该地区的主要参与者不能是美国。
大多数人都同意，虽然，中国正在形成这些部分是因为它现在拥有现代化的深水海军和专业的海岸警卫队。

Whatever the reason, China’s rise has left the United States caught between its commitments to allies and its desire to maintain a constructive relationship with China. In recent months, it has seemed to emphasize the former, sending B-52 bombers to fly through China’s air defense zone and threatening to reevaluate its military posture in Asia if China extends the air defense zone to the South China Sea.
In April, President Obama visited U.S. allies Japan, South Korea and the Philippines in a trip that pointedly excluded China. While in Japan, he became the first president to explicitly say that the U.S. defense treaty covered islands administered by China. In the Philippines, he signed a new 10-year defense agreement.

不管什么原因，中国的崛起已经迫使美国强调其对盟友的承诺，和它希望与中国保持建设性的关系。近几个月来，它似乎更强调前者，从派遣B-52轰炸机通过中国的防空识别区并威胁如果中国扩展了南中国海的防空区域，要重新评估其在亚洲的军事姿态。
今年四月，美国总统奥巴马在有针对性地排除中国的旅行访问了美国的盟友日本，韩国和菲律宾。而在日本，他成了美国的防御条约适用于中国管理的海岛第一任美国总统。在菲律宾，他签署了一份新的10年防务协定。

There has been an equal and opposite reaction from Beijing. When U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel implicitly accused China in May of “intimidation, coercion or the threat of force” in asserting its territorial claims and warned that the United States “will not look the other way when fundamental principles of the international order are being challenged,” Lt. Gen. Wang Guanzhong called Hagel’s comments “excessive” and “suffused with hegemony, incitement, threats and intimidation,” China Central Television reported.
Daniel Russel, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, argues that the blunt exchanges between the two countries could be beneficial.
“It is an indication of health, I believe, that we are able to be so direct with China, without fearing that we are tanking the relationship or the prospects for cooperation,” he said in an interview. “We do not pull our punches, but at the same time we are working hand-in-hand in China wherever we can.”

北京已经有来了一个大小相等，方向相反的反作用力。当美国国防部长哈格尔在对中国5月份的“护其领土要求被指责为“恐吓，胁迫或以武力相威胁”，并警告说，美国“不会容忍国际秩序的基本原则受到挑战“，王冠中中将称黑格尔的意见为”过分“和”泛霸权，煽动，威胁和恐吓，“中国中央电视台报道。
丹尼尔•拉塞尔，国家负责东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿，认为两国之间的挫峰交流可能是有益的。
“这是健康的标志，我相信，我们能够这么直接与中国相对，而不用担心我们的关系或合作的前景会发生动摇，”他在接受采访时说。 “我们不拉我们的拳，但与此同时，我们可以在任何地方与中国一起手牵手的合作。”

The United States should have been more assertive in forging closer economic links with Asia through a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal and with China through a bilateral investment treaty, some critics say.
“We need a lot more weight on the economic side, because that’s what keeps your relationship from tipping into a Cold War relationship,” said Christopher Johnson of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Fueling China’s adventurism is also a feeling among some Chinese officials that the United States is inconsistent and lacks resolve. They point to the administration’s unwillingness to punish Syria for using chemical weapons and its failure to prevent the Russian invasion of Crimea as showing it to be a “paper tiger,” said Johnson, the CIA’s former top China analyst, who is in regular contact with Chinese officials. “They believe Obama is fundamentally weak and disinterested,” he said.
But, Johnson added, Beijing would be wrong to underestimate the U.S. commitment to defend Asia. “America is a sleeping giant,” he said, “and if you prod us too hard, we are going to mobilize.”

美国应该通过跨太平洋伙伴关系（TPP）的贸易协议加强与亚洲紧密的经济联系，并与中国在通过双边投资条约时更加自信，有评论说。
“我们需要在经济方面有更多的考量，因为这可以保持不落入冷战对抗的关系”战略与国际问题研究中心的克里斯托弗•约翰逊说。 中国的冒险主义在发酵也是一些中国官员的感觉，美国是不一致的，而且缺乏决心。他们指出，政府不愿意惩罚叙利亚使用化学武器并且及未能阻止俄罗斯入侵克里米亚证明它是一只“纸老虎”，与中国官员经常接触的中情局的前高级中国分析师的约翰逊逊。 “他们认为奥巴马是根本上软弱而无利害关系的”他说。
但是，约翰逊补充说，北京低估了美国捍卫亚太的决心将是错误的。 “美国是一个沉睡的巨人”，他说，“如果你一直的督促我们，我们将会发动起来。”

Either way, foreign policy experts agree on this: that the relationship deserves much more attention than it is getting. Kerry is widely seen as more interested in the Middle East, while National Security Adviser Susan Rice has yet to visit Beijing, leaving China policy without a sufficiently senior voice in Washington. Meanwhile, Obama’s refusal to come to China for a return version of last year’s Sunnylands summit with Xi has also “personally irritated” his Chinese counterpart, said Johnson — although he is scheduled to visit Beijing for an Asia Pacific summit in November.
With that visit, at least, and with this week’s Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the administration has a chance to focus minds on one of its most serious foreign policy challenges, experts say. “Summits,” said Ross of Boston College, “have the value of making presidents pay attention.”
Gu Jinglu contributed to this report.

无论哪种方式，外交政策专家同意这一点：我们之间的关系是非常值得更多的关注比它越来越。克里被广泛视为更感兴趣的是中东地区，而国家安全顾问苏珊•赖斯还没有访问北京，留给中国的政策没有在华盛顿一个足够高的声音。同时，奥巴马拒绝来中国去年的Sunnylands峰会的回报版本曦还“亲自激怒”他的中国同行说，约翰逊 - 尽管他将访问北京参加亚太峰会十一月。
有了那次访问，至少，和本周的战略与经济对话，奥巴马政府有机会专注于心灵的最严重的外交政策挑战之一，专家说。 “峰会”之称的波士顿学院的罗斯，“有可能使总统重视的价值。”
顾璟璐促成了这一报告。

Simon Denyer is The Post’s bureau chief in China. He served previously as bureau chief in India and as a Reuters bureau chief in Washington, India and Pakistan.

西蒙Denyer是中国邮政的分社社长。此前，他曾担任印度分社社长，并在华盛顿，印度和巴基斯坦路透社任总编辑。