超级军网原创翻译：（恶心慎入第二弹）BBC对黄之峰的采访
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/28 05:42:46
原文地址：http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-china-blog-33729241 超多敏感词汇，无需翻墙
原标题：黄之峰：“我们在香港的抗议活动中并没有明确的目标“
Wherever Joshua Wong goes in Hong Kong, the teenage political activist is instantly recognised.
无论黄之峰出现在香港哪里，这位年轻的政治活动家总是会被立刻认出来。
In the space of just half an hour in the Admiralty district, two young professionals and a group of middle-aged women greet him warmly, asking to pose for photos with him on their mobile phones.
在我和他于金钟区所待的一个半小时里，有两位年轻的专业人士和一伙中年妇女过来向他亲切地打招呼，并请求和一同他摆pose用手机合影。
But when I ask for permission to snap them jointly for a news story, some well-wishers decline, saying they do not wish to be publicly identified with the democracy campaigner, fearing it might affect their jobs.
Mr Wong, 18, just smiles and poses. He is not surprised.
不过当我在征求他们的同意为他们合影作为新闻的素材时，一些人善意的拒绝了，他们说不希望被大众把他们和民主运动联系起来，担心这样会影响他们的生计。而18岁的黄先生只是微笑着，对此并不惊讶。
The expression of private but not public support may help explain why last year's Umbrella protest movement, while unprecedented in scope and length, did not ultimately succeed in gaining greater voting rights for Hong Kong citizens.
个人观点而非大众的意见或许有助于解释，为什么去年影响深远的雨伞抗议活动最终没有能成功的获得香港市民的多数投票支持。
Mr Wong leads the high-profile Scholarism student activist group
黄先生正领导着高调的”学民思潮“学生活动组织
"First, we did not have any clear goal or roadmap or route for democracy. We did not deliver the message to the general Hong Kong public," says the university student, over lunch.
”首先，我们并没有明确的关于民主的目标、路线或是规划。我们没有向香港的广大民众传递这些信息“，他和我在午餐时透露说。
"Secondly, not enough people were willing to pay the price by protesting. We did not have enough bargaining power with the Chinese authorities.
”其次，没有足够的人愿意为了抗议活动付出相应代价。我们没有足够的资本和中国政府讨教还价。“
"Say, for example, during the Umbrella Movement, if two million Hong Kong people had occupied the streets, along with labour strikes, and if this had continued for more than two months, we would have had enough bargaining power."
“比方说，在雨伞革命期间，如果有超过2百万香港民众占领了街道，并举行罢工示威，而且占领活动能持续超过两个月的话，我们或许会有足够的资本。”
Global icon
全球性的标志
Tens of thousands of people took part in the 79-day movement, which ended in mid-December when the authorities dismantled the main occupation sites in the Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok districts.
1万多人参加了去年长达79天的街头运动，这场运动因为香港当局对金钟区、铜锣湾和旺角的主要占领点的强制驱除而于11月中期终止。
Mr Wong, already well-known in Hong Kong for successfully campaigning against the introduction of patriotic education in local schools, emerged as a global democracy icon.
黄先生在2012年香港成功的反课改运动中就已经声名鹊起，成为全球性的民主标志。
In fact, the movement was unexpectedly sparked when he and other young activists scaled a high fence surrounding the forecourt of the central government office on 26 September.
事实上，当他和其他年轻的活动家于去年9月26号，在香港政府中心前的广场上筑起了高高的围栏时，这场运动便引发了意想不到的效应。
Footage of the police arresting protesters, including Mr Wong, drew public anger and prompted pro-democracy supporters to rally.
监控录像显示警察逮捕了包括黄之峰在内的抗议示威者，这引发了群众的愤怒并促使民运支持者加入集会当中。
The initial arrests of about 60 protesters including Mr Wong on 26 September sparked subsequent protests the next day
9月26号对包括黄之峰在内的60名抗议者逮捕行动随即引发了隔天的抗议活动。
When the authorities cracked down on the growing crowd with tear gas, the public grew even more infuriated and took to the streets in one of the biggest mass protests Hong Kong had ever seen.
在当局向不断增加的示威人群发射催泪弹进行镇压之后，民众的怒气不减反增，并且都纷纷跑到街上加入到这场香港有史以来最大规模的抗议示威活动中。
"My decision to climb over the barrier was the best decision I made in the whole of my life," he says, before sheepishly conceding that getting together with his girlfriend, Tiffany Chin, was actually his best call.
在羞怯的走到女朋友身边前，他说：”意决翻越实现民主的障碍是我一生中所做的最好的决定。“他的女朋友蒂芙尼·陈，是他背后的最大支持。
Images of tear gas fired on protesters triggered widespread anger in Hong Kong and led tens of thousands to take to the streets
对抗议者发射催泪弹的照片引发了香港民众的广泛不满，并导致1万多名人士上街示威。
Deported, attacked
驱逐，袭击
He says he has not been changed by the experience. His priority now is to finish his studies - he is studying politics and public administration at a local university - and plans on getting a job after graduation, though he isn't sure what kind yet.
他说他没有被这次经历所改变，他如今的主要精力放在了学业上——他在当地大学里学习政治与公共管理课程，并计划在毕业后能找到一份工作，尽管他目前还没想好以后要干些什么。
But in May, he was deported from Malaysia, after being invited there by local activists to talk about the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989.
不过在3月时，他被马拉西亚驱逐出境了，就在他被当地的活动家邀请去谈谈1989年的8平方事件的ZHEN YA经过之后。
In June, he and Ms Chin were beaten by an unknown man on the street after a movie date.
在6月，他和女朋友在看电影回来的路上被不明人士袭击了。
"Yes, I admit that I'm afraid," she wrote in a piece for a current affairs website after the attack. "Starting today, I feel a bit frightened every time my eyes meet someone else's on the street. This fear is unbearable, but I hope it won't last long."
”是的，我承认我很害怕。“她在被袭击之后于当地的新闻网站上写下如此留言。”从今天开始，当我每次和街上某些人有目光接触时都会感到一丝寒意。这种恐惧让我无法忍受，我只希望它能尽快结束。“
Mr Wong keeps in constant contact with members of his student activist group
黄先生和他学生活动组织里的成员一直保持着联系
And in July, Mr Wong, along with other activists, were charged with obstructing police during a protest last year.
在7月，黄先生和其他的活动者一起被警方以在去年的抗议活动妨碍警务的罪名指控了。
He denies having done anything wrong, but admits he faces jail time.
他并不承认自己做错了什么，不过他的确坦诚道他正面临牢狱之灾。
"In principle, I don't mind taking responsibility. I don't mind going to prison," he says. "But I don't know what I would do with no mobile phone and no internet. I think it would be utterly unbearable."
”原则上，我不介意承担责任。我也不害怕会入狱，“他说。”但是我不知道要是没了网络和手机该怎么办才好。我想那对我来说才是最不能忍的事情。“
During the hours we spend together, he is constantly glued to his smartphone, tapping out messages on a chat group with more than 100 members of Scholarism, the protest group that he chairs.
在我们会谈的数小时里，他的精力一直集中在他的手机上，不断在超过100名成员的学民思潮讨论组里交流这信息，而他正是学民思潮的主席。
They are hotly debating the future of democracy in Hong Kong in an opinion piece to be published by a local newspaper.
他们在当地的一家报纸的一篇评论文章中就香港民主的未来进行了激烈讨论。
Road map
路线图
In June, lawmakers in the Hong Kong Legislative Council voted against a controversial proposal that would have let Hong Kong voters elect their chief executive - but only from a pool of candidates vetted by a pro-Beijing committee.
在6月，香港立法委员会中的立法者否决了一份极具争议性的提案，那份提案同意香港的投票者直选香港特首——不过仅仅只能从亲北京的委员会对候选人进行审核之后所产生的选项里选择。
The proposal was rejected, which means that, in 2017, the city's top leader will again be chosen by a small committee largely loyal to the Communist Party.
提案最终被否决了，这也就意味着，在2017年，香港特首仍将会由忠于共产党的小规模的委员会里产生。
But Mr Wong is looking far ahead. He wants to rectify the mistake of not presenting a viable plan to the public.
不过黄先生的目光更加长远。他想要纠正之前没有能给大众提出一份明确计划的错误。
He says that by 2030, the democracy movement needs to present a clear roadmap spelling out how it can achieve a legally binding referendum on the city's future.
他说到2030年，民主运动需要拿出一份明确的路线图阐明它能够在将来获得具有法律约束力的全民公决。
"Let every Hong Kong citizen vote to support a new Basic Law or constitution in Hong Kong. That, I think, is the minimum requirement," he says.
”让每个香港人都能在香港为基本法或者宪法投上一票，我认为，是民运的最低纲领。“他说。
Mr Wong believes entering the forecourt of the central government offices on 26 September was one of his best decisions
黄先生相信他于9月26号在中心政府前的广场上的发起的活动是他最为明智的决定。
By 2047, the "one country, two systems" formula is due to end, and the de facto border between the two sides is meant to disappear.
到2027年，”一国两制“就到其期限了，到时候陆港的边界也将消失。
When asked whether he is planning another civil disobedience movement, Mr Wong says not for a few years.
当被问起他是否还将计划公民抗命运动时，黄先生说今后数年里并没有这个打算。
"The power that we can mobilise on the street has already reached its maximum during the Umbrella Movement," he says.
”我们在之前的街头雨伞革命中已经把我们能达到的最大能量释放出来了，“他称。
"Maybe in 10 years, we'll be able to mobilise something much larger. But within these three to four years, we need to take a rest."
或许10年后，我会有能力组织更大规模的类似活动，不过在未来的3、4年里，我们需要好好养精蓄锐了。”
原文地址：http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-china-blog-33729241 超多敏感词汇，无需翻墙
原标题：黄之峰：“我们在香港的抗议活动中并没有明确的目标“
Wherever Joshua Wong goes in Hong Kong, the teenage political activist is instantly recognised.
无论黄之峰出现在香港哪里，这位年轻的政治活动家总是会被立刻认出来。
In the space of just half an hour in the Admiralty district, two young professionals and a group of middle-aged women greet him warmly, asking to pose for photos with him on their mobile phones.
在我和他于金钟区所待的一个半小时里，有两位年轻的专业人士和一伙中年妇女过来向他亲切地打招呼，并请求和一同他摆pose用手机合影。
But when I ask for permission to snap them jointly for a news story, some well-wishers decline, saying they do not wish to be publicly identified with the democracy campaigner, fearing it might affect their jobs.
Mr Wong, 18, just smiles and poses. He is not surprised.
不过当我在征求他们的同意为他们合影作为新闻的素材时，一些人善意的拒绝了，他们说不希望被大众把他们和民主运动联系起来，担心这样会影响他们的生计。而18岁的黄先生只是微笑着，对此并不惊讶。
The expression of private but not public support may help explain why last year's Umbrella protest movement, while unprecedented in scope and length, did not ultimately succeed in gaining greater voting rights for Hong Kong citizens.
个人观点而非大众的意见或许有助于解释，为什么去年影响深远的雨伞抗议活动最终没有能成功的获得香港市民的多数投票支持。
Mr Wong leads the high-profile Scholarism student activist group
黄先生正领导着高调的”学民思潮“学生活动组织
"First, we did not have any clear goal or roadmap or route for democracy. We did not deliver the message to the general Hong Kong public," says the university student, over lunch.
”首先，我们并没有明确的关于民主的目标、路线或是规划。我们没有向香港的广大民众传递这些信息“，他和我在午餐时透露说。
"Secondly, not enough people were willing to pay the price by protesting. We did not have enough bargaining power with the Chinese authorities.
”其次，没有足够的人愿意为了抗议活动付出相应代价。我们没有足够的资本和中国政府讨教还价。“
"Say, for example, during the Umbrella Movement, if two million Hong Kong people had occupied the streets, along with labour strikes, and if this had continued for more than two months, we would have had enough bargaining power."
“比方说，在雨伞革命期间，如果有超过2百万香港民众占领了街道，并举行罢工示威，而且占领活动能持续超过两个月的话，我们或许会有足够的资本。”
Global icon
全球性的标志
Tens of thousands of people took part in the 79-day movement, which ended in mid-December when the authorities dismantled the main occupation sites in the Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok districts.
1万多人参加了去年长达79天的街头运动，这场运动因为香港当局对金钟区、铜锣湾和旺角的主要占领点的强制驱除而于11月中期终止。
Mr Wong, already well-known in Hong Kong for successfully campaigning against the introduction of patriotic education in local schools, emerged as a global democracy icon.
黄先生在2012年香港成功的反课改运动中就已经声名鹊起，成为全球性的民主标志。
In fact, the movement was unexpectedly sparked when he and other young activists scaled a high fence surrounding the forecourt of the central government office on 26 September.
事实上，当他和其他年轻的活动家于去年9月26号，在香港政府中心前的广场上筑起了高高的围栏时，这场运动便引发了意想不到的效应。
Footage of the police arresting protesters, including Mr Wong, drew public anger and prompted pro-democracy supporters to rally.
监控录像显示警察逮捕了包括黄之峰在内的抗议示威者，这引发了群众的愤怒并促使民运支持者加入集会当中。
The initial arrests of about 60 protesters including Mr Wong on 26 September sparked subsequent protests the next day
9月26号对包括黄之峰在内的60名抗议者逮捕行动随即引发了隔天的抗议活动。
When the authorities cracked down on the growing crowd with tear gas, the public grew even more infuriated and took to the streets in one of the biggest mass protests Hong Kong had ever seen.
在当局向不断增加的示威人群发射催泪弹进行镇压之后，民众的怒气不减反增，并且都纷纷跑到街上加入到这场香港有史以来最大规模的抗议示威活动中。
"My decision to climb over the barrier was the best decision I made in the whole of my life," he says, before sheepishly conceding that getting together with his girlfriend, Tiffany Chin, was actually his best call.
在羞怯的走到女朋友身边前，他说：”意决翻越实现民主的障碍是我一生中所做的最好的决定。“他的女朋友蒂芙尼·陈，是他背后的最大支持。
Images of tear gas fired on protesters triggered widespread anger in Hong Kong and led tens of thousands to take to the streets
对抗议者发射催泪弹的照片引发了香港民众的广泛不满，并导致1万多名人士上街示威。
Deported, attacked
驱逐，袭击
He says he has not been changed by the experience. His priority now is to finish his studies - he is studying politics and public administration at a local university - and plans on getting a job after graduation, though he isn't sure what kind yet.
他说他没有被这次经历所改变，他如今的主要精力放在了学业上——他在当地大学里学习政治与公共管理课程，并计划在毕业后能找到一份工作，尽管他目前还没想好以后要干些什么。
But in May, he was deported from Malaysia, after being invited there by local activists to talk about the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989.
不过在3月时，他被马拉西亚驱逐出境了，就在他被当地的活动家邀请去谈谈1989年的8平方事件的ZHEN YA经过之后。
In June, he and Ms Chin were beaten by an unknown man on the street after a movie date.
在6月，他和女朋友在看电影回来的路上被不明人士袭击了。
"Yes, I admit that I'm afraid," she wrote in a piece for a current affairs website after the attack. "Starting today, I feel a bit frightened every time my eyes meet someone else's on the street. This fear is unbearable, but I hope it won't last long."
”是的，我承认我很害怕。“她在被袭击之后于当地的新闻网站上写下如此留言。”从今天开始，当我每次和街上某些人有目光接触时都会感到一丝寒意。这种恐惧让我无法忍受，我只希望它能尽快结束。“
Mr Wong keeps in constant contact with members of his student activist group
黄先生和他学生活动组织里的成员一直保持着联系
And in July, Mr Wong, along with other activists, were charged with obstructing police during a protest last year.
在7月，黄先生和其他的活动者一起被警方以在去年的抗议活动妨碍警务的罪名指控了。
He denies having done anything wrong, but admits he faces jail time.
他并不承认自己做错了什么，不过他的确坦诚道他正面临牢狱之灾。
"In principle, I don't mind taking responsibility. I don't mind going to prison," he says. "But I don't know what I would do with no mobile phone and no internet. I think it would be utterly unbearable."
”原则上，我不介意承担责任。我也不害怕会入狱，“他说。”但是我不知道要是没了网络和手机该怎么办才好。我想那对我来说才是最不能忍的事情。“
During the hours we spend together, he is constantly glued to his smartphone, tapping out messages on a chat group with more than 100 members of Scholarism, the protest group that he chairs.
在我们会谈的数小时里，他的精力一直集中在他的手机上，不断在超过100名成员的学民思潮讨论组里交流这信息，而他正是学民思潮的主席。
They are hotly debating the future of democracy in Hong Kong in an opinion piece to be published by a local newspaper.
他们在当地的一家报纸的一篇评论文章中就香港民主的未来进行了激烈讨论。
Road map
路线图
In June, lawmakers in the Hong Kong Legislative Council voted against a controversial proposal that would have let Hong Kong voters elect their chief executive - but only from a pool of candidates vetted by a pro-Beijing committee.
在6月，香港立法委员会中的立法者否决了一份极具争议性的提案，那份提案同意香港的投票者直选香港特首——不过仅仅只能从亲北京的委员会对候选人进行审核之后所产生的选项里选择。
The proposal was rejected, which means that, in 2017, the city's top leader will again be chosen by a small committee largely loyal to the Communist Party.
提案最终被否决了，这也就意味着，在2017年，香港特首仍将会由忠于共产党的小规模的委员会里产生。
But Mr Wong is looking far ahead. He wants to rectify the mistake of not presenting a viable plan to the public.
不过黄先生的目光更加长远。他想要纠正之前没有能给大众提出一份明确计划的错误。
He says that by 2030, the democracy movement needs to present a clear roadmap spelling out how it can achieve a legally binding referendum on the city's future.
他说到2030年，民主运动需要拿出一份明确的路线图阐明它能够在将来获得具有法律约束力的全民公决。
"Let every Hong Kong citizen vote to support a new Basic Law or constitution in Hong Kong. That, I think, is the minimum requirement," he says.
”让每个香港人都能在香港为基本法或者宪法投上一票，我认为，是民运的最低纲领。“他说。
Mr Wong believes entering the forecourt of the central government offices on 26 September was one of his best decisions
黄先生相信他于9月26号在中心政府前的广场上的发起的活动是他最为明智的决定。
By 2047, the "one country, two systems" formula is due to end, and the de facto border between the two sides is meant to disappear.
到2027年，”一国两制“就到其期限了，到时候陆港的边界也将消失。
When asked whether he is planning another civil disobedience movement, Mr Wong says not for a few years.
当被问起他是否还将计划公民抗命运动时，黄先生说今后数年里并没有这个打算。
"The power that we can mobilise on the street has already reached its maximum during the Umbrella Movement," he says.
”我们在之前的街头雨伞革命中已经把我们能达到的最大能量释放出来了，“他称。
"Maybe in 10 years, we'll be able to mobilise something much larger. But within these three to four years, we need to take a rest."
或许10年后，我会有能力组织更大规模的类似活动，不过在未来的3、4年里，我们需要好好养精蓄锐了。”
原标题：黄之峰：“我们在香港的抗议活动中并没有明确的目标“
Wherever Joshua Wong goes in Hong Kong, the teenage political activist is instantly recognised.
无论黄之峰出现在香港哪里，这位年轻的政治活动家总是会被立刻认出来。
In the space of just half an hour in the Admiralty district, two young professionals and a group of middle-aged women greet him warmly, asking to pose for photos with him on their mobile phones.
在我和他于金钟区所待的一个半小时里，有两位年轻的专业人士和一伙中年妇女过来向他亲切地打招呼，并请求和一同他摆pose用手机合影。
But when I ask for permission to snap them jointly for a news story, some well-wishers decline, saying they do not wish to be publicly identified with the democracy campaigner, fearing it might affect their jobs.
Mr Wong, 18, just smiles and poses. He is not surprised.
不过当我在征求他们的同意为他们合影作为新闻的素材时，一些人善意的拒绝了，他们说不希望被大众把他们和民主运动联系起来，担心这样会影响他们的生计。而18岁的黄先生只是微笑着，对此并不惊讶。
The expression of private but not public support may help explain why last year's Umbrella protest movement, while unprecedented in scope and length, did not ultimately succeed in gaining greater voting rights for Hong Kong citizens.
个人观点而非大众的意见或许有助于解释，为什么去年影响深远的雨伞抗议活动最终没有能成功的获得香港市民的多数投票支持。
Mr Wong leads the high-profile Scholarism student activist group
黄先生正领导着高调的”学民思潮“学生活动组织
"First, we did not have any clear goal or roadmap or route for democracy. We did not deliver the message to the general Hong Kong public," says the university student, over lunch.
”首先，我们并没有明确的关于民主的目标、路线或是规划。我们没有向香港的广大民众传递这些信息“，他和我在午餐时透露说。
"Secondly, not enough people were willing to pay the price by protesting. We did not have enough bargaining power with the Chinese authorities.
”其次，没有足够的人愿意为了抗议活动付出相应代价。我们没有足够的资本和中国政府讨教还价。“
"Say, for example, during the Umbrella Movement, if two million Hong Kong people had occupied the streets, along with labour strikes, and if this had continued for more than two months, we would have had enough bargaining power."
“比方说，在雨伞革命期间，如果有超过2百万香港民众占领了街道，并举行罢工示威，而且占领活动能持续超过两个月的话，我们或许会有足够的资本。”
Global icon
全球性的标志
Tens of thousands of people took part in the 79-day movement, which ended in mid-December when the authorities dismantled the main occupation sites in the Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok districts.
1万多人参加了去年长达79天的街头运动，这场运动因为香港当局对金钟区、铜锣湾和旺角的主要占领点的强制驱除而于11月中期终止。
Mr Wong, already well-known in Hong Kong for successfully campaigning against the introduction of patriotic education in local schools, emerged as a global democracy icon.
黄先生在2012年香港成功的反课改运动中就已经声名鹊起，成为全球性的民主标志。
In fact, the movement was unexpectedly sparked when he and other young activists scaled a high fence surrounding the forecourt of the central government office on 26 September.
事实上，当他和其他年轻的活动家于去年9月26号，在香港政府中心前的广场上筑起了高高的围栏时，这场运动便引发了意想不到的效应。
Footage of the police arresting protesters, including Mr Wong, drew public anger and prompted pro-democracy supporters to rally.
监控录像显示警察逮捕了包括黄之峰在内的抗议示威者，这引发了群众的愤怒并促使民运支持者加入集会当中。
The initial arrests of about 60 protesters including Mr Wong on 26 September sparked subsequent protests the next day
9月26号对包括黄之峰在内的60名抗议者逮捕行动随即引发了隔天的抗议活动。
When the authorities cracked down on the growing crowd with tear gas, the public grew even more infuriated and took to the streets in one of the biggest mass protests Hong Kong had ever seen.
在当局向不断增加的示威人群发射催泪弹进行镇压之后，民众的怒气不减反增，并且都纷纷跑到街上加入到这场香港有史以来最大规模的抗议示威活动中。
"My decision to climb over the barrier was the best decision I made in the whole of my life," he says, before sheepishly conceding that getting together with his girlfriend, Tiffany Chin, was actually his best call.
在羞怯的走到女朋友身边前，他说：”意决翻越实现民主的障碍是我一生中所做的最好的决定。“他的女朋友蒂芙尼·陈，是他背后的最大支持。
Images of tear gas fired on protesters triggered widespread anger in Hong Kong and led tens of thousands to take to the streets
对抗议者发射催泪弹的照片引发了香港民众的广泛不满，并导致1万多名人士上街示威。
Deported, attacked
驱逐，袭击
He says he has not been changed by the experience. His priority now is to finish his studies - he is studying politics and public administration at a local university - and plans on getting a job after graduation, though he isn't sure what kind yet.
他说他没有被这次经历所改变，他如今的主要精力放在了学业上——他在当地大学里学习政治与公共管理课程，并计划在毕业后能找到一份工作，尽管他目前还没想好以后要干些什么。
But in May, he was deported from Malaysia, after being invited there by local activists to talk about the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989.
不过在3月时，他被马拉西亚驱逐出境了，就在他被当地的活动家邀请去谈谈1989年的8平方事件的ZHEN YA经过之后。
In June, he and Ms Chin were beaten by an unknown man on the street after a movie date.
在6月，他和女朋友在看电影回来的路上被不明人士袭击了。
"Yes, I admit that I'm afraid," she wrote in a piece for a current affairs website after the attack. "Starting today, I feel a bit frightened every time my eyes meet someone else's on the street. This fear is unbearable, but I hope it won't last long."
”是的，我承认我很害怕。“她在被袭击之后于当地的新闻网站上写下如此留言。”从今天开始，当我每次和街上某些人有目光接触时都会感到一丝寒意。这种恐惧让我无法忍受，我只希望它能尽快结束。“
Mr Wong keeps in constant contact with members of his student activist group
黄先生和他学生活动组织里的成员一直保持着联系
And in July, Mr Wong, along with other activists, were charged with obstructing police during a protest last year.
在7月，黄先生和其他的活动者一起被警方以在去年的抗议活动妨碍警务的罪名指控了。
He denies having done anything wrong, but admits he faces jail time.
他并不承认自己做错了什么，不过他的确坦诚道他正面临牢狱之灾。
"In principle, I don't mind taking responsibility. I don't mind going to prison," he says. "But I don't know what I would do with no mobile phone and no internet. I think it would be utterly unbearable."
”原则上，我不介意承担责任。我也不害怕会入狱，“他说。”但是我不知道要是没了网络和手机该怎么办才好。我想那对我来说才是最不能忍的事情。“
During the hours we spend together, he is constantly glued to his smartphone, tapping out messages on a chat group with more than 100 members of Scholarism, the protest group that he chairs.
在我们会谈的数小时里，他的精力一直集中在他的手机上，不断在超过100名成员的学民思潮讨论组里交流这信息，而他正是学民思潮的主席。
They are hotly debating the future of democracy in Hong Kong in an opinion piece to be published by a local newspaper.
他们在当地的一家报纸的一篇评论文章中就香港民主的未来进行了激烈讨论。
Road map
路线图
In June, lawmakers in the Hong Kong Legislative Council voted against a controversial proposal that would have let Hong Kong voters elect their chief executive - but only from a pool of candidates vetted by a pro-Beijing committee.
在6月，香港立法委员会中的立法者否决了一份极具争议性的提案，那份提案同意香港的投票者直选香港特首——不过仅仅只能从亲北京的委员会对候选人进行审核之后所产生的选项里选择。
The proposal was rejected, which means that, in 2017, the city's top leader will again be chosen by a small committee largely loyal to the Communist Party.
提案最终被否决了，这也就意味着，在2017年，香港特首仍将会由忠于共产党的小规模的委员会里产生。
But Mr Wong is looking far ahead. He wants to rectify the mistake of not presenting a viable plan to the public.
不过黄先生的目光更加长远。他想要纠正之前没有能给大众提出一份明确计划的错误。
He says that by 2030, the democracy movement needs to present a clear roadmap spelling out how it can achieve a legally binding referendum on the city's future.
他说到2030年，民主运动需要拿出一份明确的路线图阐明它能够在将来获得具有法律约束力的全民公决。
"Let every Hong Kong citizen vote to support a new Basic Law or constitution in Hong Kong. That, I think, is the minimum requirement," he says.
”让每个香港人都能在香港为基本法或者宪法投上一票，我认为，是民运的最低纲领。“他说。
Mr Wong believes entering the forecourt of the central government offices on 26 September was one of his best decisions
黄先生相信他于9月26号在中心政府前的广场上的发起的活动是他最为明智的决定。
By 2047, the "one country, two systems" formula is due to end, and the de facto border between the two sides is meant to disappear.
到2027年，”一国两制“就到其期限了，到时候陆港的边界也将消失。
When asked whether he is planning another civil disobedience movement, Mr Wong says not for a few years.
当被问起他是否还将计划公民抗命运动时，黄先生说今后数年里并没有这个打算。
"The power that we can mobilise on the street has already reached its maximum during the Umbrella Movement," he says.
”我们在之前的街头雨伞革命中已经把我们能达到的最大能量释放出来了，“他称。
"Maybe in 10 years, we'll be able to mobilise something much larger. But within these three to four years, we need to take a rest."
或许10年后，我会有能力组织更大规模的类似活动，不过在未来的3、4年里，我们需要好好养精蓄锐了。”
原文地址：http://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-china-blog-33729241 超多敏感词汇，无需翻墙
原标题：黄之峰：“我们在香港的抗议活动中并没有明确的目标“
Wherever Joshua Wong goes in Hong Kong, the teenage political activist is instantly recognised.
无论黄之峰出现在香港哪里，这位年轻的政治活动家总是会被立刻认出来。
In the space of just half an hour in the Admiralty district, two young professionals and a group of middle-aged women greet him warmly, asking to pose for photos with him on their mobile phones.
在我和他于金钟区所待的一个半小时里，有两位年轻的专业人士和一伙中年妇女过来向他亲切地打招呼，并请求和一同他摆pose用手机合影。
But when I ask for permission to snap them jointly for a news story, some well-wishers decline, saying they do not wish to be publicly identified with the democracy campaigner, fearing it might affect their jobs.
Mr Wong, 18, just smiles and poses. He is not surprised.
不过当我在征求他们的同意为他们合影作为新闻的素材时，一些人善意的拒绝了，他们说不希望被大众把他们和民主运动联系起来，担心这样会影响他们的生计。而18岁的黄先生只是微笑着，对此并不惊讶。
The expression of private but not public support may help explain why last year's Umbrella protest movement, while unprecedented in scope and length, did not ultimately succeed in gaining greater voting rights for Hong Kong citizens.
个人观点而非大众的意见或许有助于解释，为什么去年影响深远的雨伞抗议活动最终没有能成功的获得香港市民的多数投票支持。
Mr Wong leads the high-profile Scholarism student activist group
黄先生正领导着高调的”学民思潮“学生活动组织
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"First, we did not have any clear goal or roadmap or route for democracy. We did not deliver the message to the general Hong Kong public," says the university student, over lunch.
”首先，我们并没有明确的关于民主的目标、路线或是规划。我们没有向香港的广大民众传递这些信息“，他和我在午餐时透露说。
"Secondly, not enough people were willing to pay the price by protesting. We did not have enough bargaining power with the Chinese authorities.
”其次，没有足够的人愿意为了抗议活动付出相应代价。我们没有足够的资本和中国政府讨教还价。“
"Say, for example, during the Umbrella Movement, if two million Hong Kong people had occupied the streets, along with labour strikes, and if this had continued for more than two months, we would have had enough bargaining power."
“比方说，在雨伞革命期间，如果有超过2百万香港民众占领了街道，并举行罢工示威，而且占领活动能持续超过两个月的话，我们或许会有足够的资本。”
Global icon
全球性的标志
Tens of thousands of people took part in the 79-day movement, which ended in mid-December when the authorities dismantled the main occupation sites in the Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok districts.
1万多人参加了去年长达79天的街头运动，这场运动因为香港当局对金钟区、铜锣湾和旺角的主要占领点的强制驱除而于11月中期终止。
Mr Wong, already well-known in Hong Kong for successfully campaigning against the introduction of patriotic education in local schools, emerged as a global democracy icon.
黄先生在2012年香港成功的反课改运动中就已经声名鹊起，成为全球性的民主标志。
In fact, the movement was unexpectedly sparked when he and other young activists scaled a high fence surrounding the forecourt of the central government office on 26 September.
事实上，当他和其他年轻的活动家于去年9月26号，在香港政府中心前的广场上筑起了高高的围栏时，这场运动便引发了意想不到的效应。
Footage of the police arresting protesters, including Mr Wong, drew public anger and prompted pro-democracy supporters to rally.
监控录像显示警察逮捕了包括黄之峰在内的抗议示威者，这引发了群众的愤怒并促使民运支持者加入集会当中。
The initial arrests of about 60 protesters including Mr Wong on 26 September sparked subsequent protests the next day
9月26号对包括黄之峰在内的60名抗议者逮捕行动随即引发了隔天的抗议活动。
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When the authorities cracked down on the growing crowd with tear gas, the public grew even more infuriated and took to the streets in one of the biggest mass protests Hong Kong had ever seen.
在当局向不断增加的示威人群发射催泪弹进行镇压之后，民众的怒气不减反增，并且都纷纷跑到街上加入到这场香港有史以来最大规模的抗议示威活动中。
"My decision to climb over the barrier was the best decision I made in the whole of my life," he says, before sheepishly conceding that getting together with his girlfriend, Tiffany Chin, was actually his best call.
在羞怯的走到女朋友身边前，他说：”意决翻越实现民主的障碍是我一生中所做的最好的决定。“他的女朋友蒂芙尼·陈，是他背后的最大支持。
Images of tear gas fired on protesters triggered widespread anger in Hong Kong and led tens of thousands to take to the streets
对抗议者发射催泪弹的照片引发了香港民众的广泛不满，并导致1万多名人士上街示威。
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Deported, attacked
驱逐，袭击
He says he has not been changed by the experience. His priority now is to finish his studies - he is studying politics and public administration at a local university - and plans on getting a job after graduation, though he isn't sure what kind yet.
他说他没有被这次经历所改变，他如今的主要精力放在了学业上——他在当地大学里学习政治与公共管理课程，并计划在毕业后能找到一份工作，尽管他目前还没想好以后要干些什么。
But in May, he was deported from Malaysia, after being invited there by local activists to talk about the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989.
不过在3月时，他被马拉西亚驱逐出境了，就在他被当地的活动家邀请去谈谈1989年的8平方事件的ZHEN YA经过之后。
In June, he and Ms Chin were beaten by an unknown man on the street after a movie date.
在6月，他和女朋友在看电影回来的路上被不明人士袭击了。
"Yes, I admit that I'm afraid," she wrote in a piece for a current affairs website after the attack. "Starting today, I feel a bit frightened every time my eyes meet someone else's on the street. This fear is unbearable, but I hope it won't last long."
”是的，我承认我很害怕。“她在被袭击之后于当地的新闻网站上写下如此留言。”从今天开始，当我每次和街上某些人有目光接触时都会感到一丝寒意。这种恐惧让我无法忍受，我只希望它能尽快结束。“
Mr Wong keeps in constant contact with members of his student activist group
黄先生和他学生活动组织里的成员一直保持着联系
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And in July, Mr Wong, along with other activists, were charged with obstructing police during a protest last year.
在7月，黄先生和其他的活动者一起被警方以在去年的抗议活动妨碍警务的罪名指控了。
He denies having done anything wrong, but admits he faces jail time.
他并不承认自己做错了什么，不过他的确坦诚道他正面临牢狱之灾。
"In principle, I don't mind taking responsibility. I don't mind going to prison," he says. "But I don't know what I would do with no mobile phone and no internet. I think it would be utterly unbearable."
”原则上，我不介意承担责任。我也不害怕会入狱，“他说。”但是我不知道要是没了网络和手机该怎么办才好。我想那对我来说才是最不能忍的事情。“
During the hours we spend together, he is constantly glued to his smartphone, tapping out messages on a chat group with more than 100 members of Scholarism, the protest group that he chairs.
在我们会谈的数小时里，他的精力一直集中在他的手机上，不断在超过100名成员的学民思潮讨论组里交流这信息，而他正是学民思潮的主席。
They are hotly debating the future of democracy in Hong Kong in an opinion piece to be published by a local newspaper.
他们在当地的一家报纸的一篇评论文章中就香港民主的未来进行了激烈讨论。
Road map
路线图
In June, lawmakers in the Hong Kong Legislative Council voted against a controversial proposal that would have let Hong Kong voters elect their chief executive - but only from a pool of candidates vetted by a pro-Beijing committee.
在6月，香港立法委员会中的立法者否决了一份极具争议性的提案，那份提案同意香港的投票者直选香港特首——不过仅仅只能从亲北京的委员会对候选人进行审核之后所产生的选项里选择。
The proposal was rejected, which means that, in 2017, the city's top leader will again be chosen by a small committee largely loyal to the Communist Party.
提案最终被否决了，这也就意味着，在2017年，香港特首仍将会由忠于共产党的小规模的委员会里产生。
But Mr Wong is looking far ahead. He wants to rectify the mistake of not presenting a viable plan to the public.
不过黄先生的目光更加长远。他想要纠正之前没有能给大众提出一份明确计划的错误。
He says that by 2030, the democracy movement needs to present a clear roadmap spelling out how it can achieve a legally binding referendum on the city's future.
他说到2030年，民主运动需要拿出一份明确的路线图阐明它能够在将来获得具有法律约束力的全民公决。
"Let every Hong Kong citizen vote to support a new Basic Law or constitution in Hong Kong. That, I think, is the minimum requirement," he says.
”让每个香港人都能在香港为基本法或者宪法投上一票，我认为，是民运的最低纲领。“他说。
Mr Wong believes entering the forecourt of the central government offices on 26 September was one of his best decisions
黄先生相信他于9月26号在中心政府前的广场上的发起的活动是他最为明智的决定。
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By 2047, the "one country, two systems" formula is due to end, and the de facto border between the two sides is meant to disappear.
到2027年，”一国两制“就到其期限了，到时候陆港的边界也将消失。
When asked whether he is planning another civil disobedience movement, Mr Wong says not for a few years.
当被问起他是否还将计划公民抗命运动时，黄先生说今后数年里并没有这个打算。
"The power that we can mobilise on the street has already reached its maximum during the Umbrella Movement," he says.
”我们在之前的街头雨伞革命中已经把我们能达到的最大能量释放出来了，“他称。
"Maybe in 10 years, we'll be able to mobilise something much larger. But within these three to four years, we need to take a rest."
或许10年后，我会有能力组织更大规模的类似活动，不过在未来的3、4年里，我们需要好好养精蓄锐了。”
相由心生，长成这样，估计也聪明不到哪去。
美国好莱坞那么发达，随便找个好票的小白脸总比这货有号召力。相比之下学联的女发言人就不错，奈何没去上床哦不对是上街
然并卵！字数补丁
我们并没有明确的关于民主的目标、路线或是规划
——————————————
满嘴皿煮又不知何为民主，老右们速去助阵！
——————————————
满嘴皿煮又不知何为民主，老右们速去助阵！
长得跟个狗似的！
汉奸还觉得自己挺屌
445880032 发表于 2015-8-3 21:35
长得跟个狗似的！
香港人叫他河童
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长得跟个狗似的！
香港人叫他河童
黄先生在2012年香港成功的反课改运动中就已经声名鹊起，成为全球性的民主标志。2015后的黄先生将奔赴更大的舞台，发挥自己的才能，带领america人民创造辉煌的历史！
冷思 发表于 2015-8-3 21:39
香港人叫他河童
他女朋友长的比他还磕碜。
香港人叫他河童
他女朋友长的比他还磕碜。
顿时笑了。。。10年后？
2022冬奥会都结束三年了。中国不仅gdp超md，人均都进一万五大关了。
还特么养精蓄锐？你就是跑到火星上都休想。
2022冬奥会都结束三年了。中国不仅gdp超md，人均都进一万五大关了。
还特么养精蓄锐？你就是跑到火星上都休想。
这个货长的是真TM恶心，
这B玩意已经无路可退，只有一条道走到黑。依白皮们拿小弟换利益的尿性，没准哪天这货会被牺牲掉。
早说了，香港出一次事情就修理一次英国公司。香港很快就没问题了
滚到美国去选总统，美国媒体喜欢你。
吐槽一下。89年这娃连胚胎都不是呢，大马驱逐得好。连没手机没网都受不了，还革啥命啊？
獐头鼠目 字数补丁.exe
445880032 发表于 2015-8-3 21:35
长得跟个狗似的！
我家狗狗比他可爱多了
少侮辱人类的朋友
长得跟个狗似的！
我家狗狗比他可爱多了
少侮辱人类的朋友