超级军网医生专访（龙腾）
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/27 06:13:47
叙利亚总统接受黎巴嫩灯塔电视台采访
Interview Given by President al-Assad to Lebanese Al-Manar TV
http://www.voltairenet.org/article178714.html
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis.
Al-Manar： 以仁慈的，富有同情心的安拉的名义，愿真主赐予你们平安。叙利亚的流血冲突依然持续。忠于叙利亚这个国家的人和反对派之间的分歧是唯一恒定不变的。然而，在现存的危机中，（两派之间）没有其他常态或者细节能够在两年达成共识。
At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene.
This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed.
当时，一个伟大的协议在商议这个即将败落的政权。最后的期限被制定然后又被错过了；所有的赌注也都失去了。今天，我们在大马士革的中心地带，享受一位已经成为很多他的政敌惊愕的来源的总统的热情款待，这位总统对于很多人来说是难以理解的方程般的存在，他严重破坏了对手的算计并阻碍他们从叙利亚的政坛上将他罢黜。
来自反对派的不愉快的意外的结果打乱了他们的计划和布局，因为他们没有考虑到一个显而易见的问题：如果政府不覆灭会发生什么？如果阿萨德总统不离开叙利亚的舞台该怎么办？当然，这个问题没有明确的回答，而最终带来的是更多的破坏，杀戮和流血
Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
有言论称今天是叙利亚的关键时刻，叙利亚军队已经有防守转变为进攻并且获得了一次又一次的成功。与此同时，停滞的外交态势也被日内瓦第二次会议的争论所动摇并且成为各方发言时经常涉及的主题。有很多问题是需要得到解决： 政治解决，诉诸军事手段的决定结果，以色列敌人在当前的危机中直接干扰事件、 戈兰高地的新方程、 朋友和对手之间的关系。叙利亚领导层所计划解决复杂和危险的，并且其影响已经开始波及周边国家危机的出路是什么？我们很荣幸在今晚这些问题询问我们的H. E. 总统，巴沙尔 · 阿萨德。 您好，总统先生。
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
阿萨德总统：愿安拉赐你平安，你是大马士革最受欢迎的客人。
Al-Manar:总统先生，我们在大马士革人民宫的中心，已经两年半的叙利亚危机中。那时，赌局是总统和他的政权是否会在几个星期内被推翻。你是如何设法挫败你的对手和敌人的阴谋的呢？什么是这种坚挺背后的秘密？
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation.
阿萨德总统;与许多因素有关。一个是叙利亚的因素，这挫败了他们的意图；另一个因素是那些策划这种局面并最终把自己打败的人，因为他们不了解叙利亚，也不了解当地局势的详情。
They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
他们从他们所称的“革命”开始，然而真正的革命需要一些有形因素；你不能只投入金钱去创造一场革命。当这个方法失败，他们为分裂我们的社会转而使用宗教口号。即使他们能够渗透叙利亚社会的某些人，社会上那些愚蠢无知的人，他们也无法造成宗教分裂。如果他们能成功，叙利亚早就四分五裂了。他们也因为争权夺利而不是争取国家主权掉进了自己的陷阱。没有人会为了帮助别人获取权力去战斗并且牺牲自己的。
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
Al-Manar:看起来，卫国战争中，叙利亚的领导层在2年半的时间里在战场上是有进步的。在这里我想问下，为什么你们要选择变防御为进攻？你们不觉得现在决定去发动攻势已经迟了吗，而且也导致了沉重的损失，例如Al-Qseir（的战斗）。
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
阿萨德总统：这不是一个防御或攻击的问题。
每一场战争都有其自己的战术。在一开始的时候，我们并不是只从军事角度来考虑问题的，我们还把政治以及社会因素也考虑进去了-一开始的时候，有很多叙利亚人被误入歧途，同时很多友国也没弄明白我国的动态。这时，你的决定要根据特定的事情中大家（意见）的一致程度作出改变。毫无疑问，随着事件的发展叙利亚人已经能够更好理解（现在）状况，也了解了真正的利害关系。这有助于武装力量更好的履行自己的职责和获得成果。因此，与其说现在是转换防御为进攻，还不如说力量对比朝着对政府军有利的方向在前进。
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
总统先生，这样的平衡是如何被打破的？叙利亚政府因为要求得到外国的援助而受到批评，而且据说黎巴嫩真主党正在加强对叙利亚政府的支持，据说真主党武装竭尽全力提供援助。在以前的采访中，你说：有2300万叙利亚人；我们不需要其他任何人的帮助。真主党在叙利亚在做什么？
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood.
阿萨德总统：打破这种平衡的主要原因是曾经孕育了武装分子的人们观念的改变，对于他们来说不一定是缺乏爱国主义，而是因为他们被欺骗了。有人让他们相信这是一场反对失败国家的革命。这一切已经发生了改变，许多人已经离开了这些恐怖组织，回归自己的正常生活。至于据说有关于真主党和其他外国战士同叙利亚军队并肩作战，这是一个重要问题，有许多复杂因素，每个因素都应该被充分理解。
Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two?
真主党，阿尔及尔的战斗及最近的以色列空袭——这三个因素不能看作是相互独立的，它们是同一事件的一个部分。更直白的，最近几周，特别是Hasan Nasrallah演说后，阿拉伯和其他国家媒体都说真主党战士参加了叙利亚的战斗并且站在了叙利亚政府一边，或他们所说的“政权”。逻辑上讲，如果真主党和抵抗战士真的想通过派遣战士来帮助叙利亚，他们又能派多少呢——几百，一千或两千?
We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists.
如果不是邻国和其他国家对恐怖分子持续不断的战争支持，我们这里谈论的战争将是数十万叙利亚士兵对抗数万名恐怖分子的战争。所以，很明显，相比于叙利亚军队，真主党对战争的贡献就是沧海一粟。
When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo?
如果也考虑到叙利亚拥有这么大的国土，真主党派遣来的战士是无法保护叙利亚这个国家以及叙利亚“政权”的。这是一方面，而另一方面，如果他们声称他们是在保卫叙利亚，为什么要等到现在？战斗自2011年的斋月后开始，而在2012年，准确的说是在2012年的夏天却又变得更加激烈。他们发动战役来“解放大马士革”并第一次发动了进攻，紧接着是第二次第三次。四名将军被刺杀，大量人民离开叙利亚，而且许多人认为这次这个国家要灭亡了。可它没有。但是在这段时期，真主党从未露面，但它为什么在此刻现身？更重要的是，为什么我们看不见真主党在大马士革及阿勒颇战斗？
The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons.
So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
大马士革和阿勒颇的战斗才是十分重要的，而不是Al-qseir。Al-qseir只是霍姆斯的一个小镇，为什么我们没有看到真主党在霍姆斯市？很明显，所有的假设都是不准确的。他们说Al-Qseir是一个战略性的边境城镇，但是对于恐怖分子来说，因为要偷渡和走私武器，所有的边境都是战略要地。因此，所以这些说法和真主党一点关系都没有。如果我们考虑到阿拉伯媒体的悲叹和牢骚，阿拉伯和外国官员的言论，甚至–潘基文表示关心在Al qseir的真主党–所有这一切的目的都是为了镇压和粉碎抵抗运动。它对保卫叙利亚没做任何事情。叙利亚军队已经在大马士革和阿勒颇等地方取得了重大胜利，但我们还有听到在 Al-Qseir那样的悲叹。
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
Al-Manar:但是，总统先生，您的批评家认为您与真主党在阿尔及尔发动的战斗是为了形成一个可以把大马士革同滨海区连接起来的安全走廊。由此，如果叙利亚被分裂或发生地理变化，这将为(伊斯兰教什叶派支派)阿拉维派教徒铺平道路。因此，这场战斗的本质是什么，它是如何与以色列的冲突联系起来的。
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences.
阿萨德总统：首先，叙利亚和黎巴嫩的沿海区并非通过 Al-Qseir相连，从地图上看这是不可能的。其次，没有人会为了分裂而开战。如果你选择分裂，你朝着这个目标前进即可，没有必要发动全国性的战争来把自己推进一个角落里。战争并不意为着我们正走向分裂，相反的，我们十分确信我们仍会维持统一国家的状态：在法国统治叙利亚的时期，他们曾建议我们分裂，但我们的祖先拒绝了。因为在那个时候，我们的祖先是十分清楚走向分裂的一系列后果的。
Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards.
那么是否有可能，或是是否可以预测，我们的后代子孙会不会对此事缺乏认识或关切呢？值得再次重申的是，在Al-Qseir的战争及其所引起的负面舆论都与以色列有关。Al-Qseir战争发动的时机与以色列空袭的时间是协同的。以色列方面的目标是要抑制抵抗运动。以色列的目的还是没变，变的只是形式。现在重要的并不是Al-Qseir这个小镇，而是边界问题。以色列方面意图通过海陆打击来遏止反对派。在这里，人们回避了问题的实质——有人认为反对派应该面对敌军，因此应该坚持留在南方。这种说法源于2008年5月7日。当时以色列在黎巴嫩的特工试图削弱抵抗力量的通信系统；他们声称抵抗力量将自己的武器对准了国内。
They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
对于叙利亚军方，他们也说了同样的话——叙利亚军方应该就边界问题与以色列开战。对此，我们已经明确表示我们的军队会在敌人出现的任何地方与之开战。敌人在北，我们便向北挺进。对于敌人在东或者是在西的情况，这也同样适用。而这也是真主党的选择。所以问题的本身应该是为什么真主党在黎巴嫩或利比亚境内部署部队？答案是：我们的战斗反对的是以色列及其在叙利亚和黎巴嫩国内的代理人。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我有个问题，以色列通过对大马士革的空袭参与到叙利亚危机中，不过却立即宣称它不想因这次空袭而升级或干预叙利亚危机，我的问题是，以色列究竟想要什么，以及以色列想要何种类型的干预？
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
阿萨德总统：这也是我想说的。首先，在现在这种抵抗重重的情况下，发生的任何一件事都是有目的的。以色列支持恐怖分子有两个目的，一是为了消除这种抵抗；二是为了打击叙利亚的防空系统。它对其他事情没有兴趣。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
总统先生，由于以色列的目标很明确，叙利亚因沉默而被批判。人们期待叙利亚的回应，同时，叙利亚政府表示它保留在适当的时间和地点给出回应的权利。为什么不立即回应？我们是否能说导弹已经直指以色列敌方，任何攻击都有可能在没有军事会议裁决的情况下发生？
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question.
阿萨德总统:我们已经通知所有与我们接触的阿拉伯国家和其他国家，我们将会在下次回应。当然，回应已经不止一次。以色列人之前的几次试图侵犯都被我们致以及时的报复。但这些短期回应没有真正价值，他们只具有政治上的意义。如果我们想要回应以色列，那将是战略意义上的回应。
Al-Manar：怎样回应？例如开放戈兰高地？
阿萨德总统：这取决于公众的意见，是否有一种共识支持去反抗或不。这是个问题。
Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
叙利亚现在的情况如何
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
总统Assad：实际上公众的压力要开放戈兰前线给抵抗运动。整个阿拉伯世界都有这样的热情。我们也收到很多阿拉伯代表团的询问关于年轻人如何申请加入抵抗以色列人。当然，抵抗不是一件容易的事情，这不仅仅是一个地理上开放前线的问题，而是一个牵扯到政治，意识形态，社会问题的问题，最后会以军事行动收场的问题。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，如果考虑到发生在格兰高地的事件以及叙利亚对以色列穿过作战线军方车辆的报复行为，这是否意味着作战规则已经改变？如果规则已经改变，新的准则又是什么？
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
阿萨德总统：在人们推动抵抗运动的情况下，交战规则已经有所改变。不过除非我们走向战争，任何改变都是暂时的。可能出现的任何种类的回应都可能改变交战规则，不过我不这么认为。当人们走向抵抗时，真正剧烈的改变才会出现。
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
Al-Manar:你不认为这有一点晚吗？在戈兰高地持续了40年的平静和休战状态之后，有传闻说在这方面有关于新的平衡和游戏的新规则的运动？
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless.
阿萨德总统:人们总是在谈论叙利亚到底是开放前线还是关闭前线。抵抗运动不是靠国家来创造的。抵抗运动就是抵抗运动，是大众的和自发的，而不是靠创造出来的。国家既无法支持也无法反对抵抗运动，也无法像某些阿拉伯国家那样给抵抗运动设一些阻碍。我认为国家反对民众的抵抗意志是一种鲁莽的行为。
The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago.
这个问题的关键不在于叙利亚，在40年后，决定朝这个方向前进。现在国内社会舆论认为国家军队是在执行保护和解放我们领土的任务。如果我们没有军队，就像黎巴嫩现在的情形一样——人民的意愿与军队背道而驰，在内战中被相互隔绝，那起义早就在很久以前不可避免地发生了。
Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
在目前的形势下，有很多因素让我们不得不向这个方向前进，做这样的决定。首先，频发的以色列激进攻击行为是这种强烈愿望和必要动机形成的重要因素。第二，我们的军队参与了遍布叙利亚的多次战斗，在部分公民心中创造出“我们必须坚持不懈地走下去来支持在戈兰高地的军队士兵们，这是我们的义务”的强烈情感。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
Al-Manar:总统先生，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（译注：以色列总理）说如果它检测到武器被输送给了黎巴嫩真主党，以色列就会毫不犹豫地攻击叙利亚。如果以色列攻击叙利亚，我想要你直接回答我：叙利亚会怎么做？
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
阿萨德总统：当然，我们现在还无法说明要使用哪些手段来还击，这是军队指挥官的事情。我们有不同的计划来应对不同的情况，根据实际情况以及打击时机来决定我们使用哪种方式和武器。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
Al-Manar：总统先生，在针对大马士革的空袭发生后，一度有传言说S300导弹系统（售予叙方）将会扭转这一局面（指空袭）。有鉴于此，内塔尼亚胡正在拜访俄罗斯当局。那么我的问题是：这些导弹是否正在运往大马士革？叙利亚当下是否拥有这些导弹？
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Assad总统：在公开场合谈论军事问题并不符合叙方的政策，尤其是关于我们有的或即将有的武器这方面。至于俄罗斯，（我们） 合约与这次的危机一点关系都没有。叙方和莫斯科之间在各种武器销售的问题上已经磋商了好几年，而且莫斯科也同意履行这些合同。无论内塔尼亚胡出访俄罗斯还是叙利亚危机或周边环境都不会影响武器进口，所有叙-俄之间承诺都将被履行。在过去一段时间里，已经有一部分的合约被履行了。在将来，我们也将与俄方一同努力履行我们间的合约。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years.
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我们已经讨论了叙利亚国家和领导人的坚定不移，也讨论了当前战场的形式以及加强叙利亚和抵抗运动的联盟。叙利亚和抵抗运动有着共同的敌人，从另一方面看， 有一个外交活动正在搅动危机2年半以来的这塘死水。
Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
在我们谈论这些还有有关于日内瓦会议和叙利亚已经划定的警戒线（红线）之前，有一个由反对派阵线联盟的前负责人——Muaz AlKhatib——建议的简单提议或简单的解决方案。他说，总统连同500个其它的政要如果被允许在20天内离开这个国家，这个危机就将结束。你们为什么不满足这一要求并结束这场危机呢？
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
总统Assad：我一直都强调的一个基本原则：叙利亚人民可以独立的，有权利决定是否让总统继续留下或离开。所以，任何在这个问题上讲话的人应该说明他为哪一部分的叙利亚人做代表,谁给了他们这个权利来代表大家。对于这个倡议，实际上我还没有看过，但是我十分高兴他们给我20天的时间和500个人！我不知道是谁提出的这个倡议，我也不太关心他们的名字。
叙利亚总统接受黎巴嫩灯塔电视台采访
Interview Given by President al-Assad to Lebanese Al-Manar TV
http://www.voltairenet.org/article178714.html
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis.
Al-Manar： 以仁慈的，富有同情心的安拉的名义，愿真主赐予你们平安。叙利亚的流血冲突依然持续。忠于叙利亚这个国家的人和反对派之间的分歧是唯一恒定不变的。然而，在现存的危机中，（两派之间）没有其他常态或者细节能够在两年达成共识。
At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene.
This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed.
当时，一个伟大的协议在商议这个即将败落的政权。最后的期限被制定然后又被错过了；所有的赌注也都失去了。今天，我们在大马士革的中心地带，享受一位已经成为很多他的政敌惊愕的来源的总统的热情款待，这位总统对于很多人来说是难以理解的方程般的存在，他严重破坏了对手的算计并阻碍他们从叙利亚的政坛上将他罢黜。
来自反对派的不愉快的意外的结果打乱了他们的计划和布局，因为他们没有考虑到一个显而易见的问题：如果政府不覆灭会发生什么？如果阿萨德总统不离开叙利亚的舞台该怎么办？当然，这个问题没有明确的回答，而最终带来的是更多的破坏，杀戮和流血
Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
有言论称今天是叙利亚的关键时刻，叙利亚军队已经有防守转变为进攻并且获得了一次又一次的成功。与此同时，停滞的外交态势也被日内瓦第二次会议的争论所动摇并且成为各方发言时经常涉及的主题。有很多问题是需要得到解决： 政治解决，诉诸军事手段的决定结果，以色列敌人在当前的危机中直接干扰事件、 戈兰高地的新方程、 朋友和对手之间的关系。叙利亚领导层所计划解决复杂和危险的，并且其影响已经开始波及周边国家危机的出路是什么？我们很荣幸在今晚这些问题询问我们的H. E. 总统，巴沙尔 · 阿萨德。 您好，总统先生。
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
阿萨德总统：愿安拉赐你平安，你是大马士革最受欢迎的客人。
Al-Manar:总统先生，我们在大马士革人民宫的中心，已经两年半的叙利亚危机中。那时，赌局是总统和他的政权是否会在几个星期内被推翻。你是如何设法挫败你的对手和敌人的阴谋的呢？什么是这种坚挺背后的秘密？
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation.
阿萨德总统;与许多因素有关。一个是叙利亚的因素，这挫败了他们的意图；另一个因素是那些策划这种局面并最终把自己打败的人，因为他们不了解叙利亚，也不了解当地局势的详情。
They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
他们从他们所称的“革命”开始，然而真正的革命需要一些有形因素；你不能只投入金钱去创造一场革命。当这个方法失败，他们为分裂我们的社会转而使用宗教口号。即使他们能够渗透叙利亚社会的某些人，社会上那些愚蠢无知的人，他们也无法造成宗教分裂。如果他们能成功，叙利亚早就四分五裂了。他们也因为争权夺利而不是争取国家主权掉进了自己的陷阱。没有人会为了帮助别人获取权力去战斗并且牺牲自己的。
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
Al-Manar:看起来，卫国战争中，叙利亚的领导层在2年半的时间里在战场上是有进步的。在这里我想问下，为什么你们要选择变防御为进攻？你们不觉得现在决定去发动攻势已经迟了吗，而且也导致了沉重的损失，例如Al-Qseir（的战斗）。
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
阿萨德总统：这不是一个防御或攻击的问题。
每一场战争都有其自己的战术。在一开始的时候，我们并不是只从军事角度来考虑问题的，我们还把政治以及社会因素也考虑进去了-一开始的时候，有很多叙利亚人被误入歧途，同时很多友国也没弄明白我国的动态。这时，你的决定要根据特定的事情中大家（意见）的一致程度作出改变。毫无疑问，随着事件的发展叙利亚人已经能够更好理解（现在）状况，也了解了真正的利害关系。这有助于武装力量更好的履行自己的职责和获得成果。因此，与其说现在是转换防御为进攻，还不如说力量对比朝着对政府军有利的方向在前进。
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
总统先生，这样的平衡是如何被打破的？叙利亚政府因为要求得到外国的援助而受到批评，而且据说黎巴嫩真主党正在加强对叙利亚政府的支持，据说真主党武装竭尽全力提供援助。在以前的采访中，你说：有2300万叙利亚人；我们不需要其他任何人的帮助。真主党在叙利亚在做什么？
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood.
阿萨德总统：打破这种平衡的主要原因是曾经孕育了武装分子的人们观念的改变，对于他们来说不一定是缺乏爱国主义，而是因为他们被欺骗了。有人让他们相信这是一场反对失败国家的革命。这一切已经发生了改变，许多人已经离开了这些恐怖组织，回归自己的正常生活。至于据说有关于真主党和其他外国战士同叙利亚军队并肩作战，这是一个重要问题，有许多复杂因素，每个因素都应该被充分理解。
Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two?
真主党，阿尔及尔的战斗及最近的以色列空袭——这三个因素不能看作是相互独立的，它们是同一事件的一个部分。更直白的，最近几周，特别是Hasan Nasrallah演说后，阿拉伯和其他国家媒体都说真主党战士参加了叙利亚的战斗并且站在了叙利亚政府一边，或他们所说的“政权”。逻辑上讲，如果真主党和抵抗战士真的想通过派遣战士来帮助叙利亚，他们又能派多少呢——几百，一千或两千?
We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists.
如果不是邻国和其他国家对恐怖分子持续不断的战争支持，我们这里谈论的战争将是数十万叙利亚士兵对抗数万名恐怖分子的战争。所以，很明显，相比于叙利亚军队，真主党对战争的贡献就是沧海一粟。
When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo?
如果也考虑到叙利亚拥有这么大的国土，真主党派遣来的战士是无法保护叙利亚这个国家以及叙利亚“政权”的。这是一方面，而另一方面，如果他们声称他们是在保卫叙利亚，为什么要等到现在？战斗自2011年的斋月后开始，而在2012年，准确的说是在2012年的夏天却又变得更加激烈。他们发动战役来“解放大马士革”并第一次发动了进攻，紧接着是第二次第三次。四名将军被刺杀，大量人民离开叙利亚，而且许多人认为这次这个国家要灭亡了。可它没有。但是在这段时期，真主党从未露面，但它为什么在此刻现身？更重要的是，为什么我们看不见真主党在大马士革及阿勒颇战斗？
The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons.
So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
大马士革和阿勒颇的战斗才是十分重要的，而不是Al-qseir。Al-qseir只是霍姆斯的一个小镇，为什么我们没有看到真主党在霍姆斯市？很明显，所有的假设都是不准确的。他们说Al-Qseir是一个战略性的边境城镇，但是对于恐怖分子来说，因为要偷渡和走私武器，所有的边境都是战略要地。因此，所以这些说法和真主党一点关系都没有。如果我们考虑到阿拉伯媒体的悲叹和牢骚，阿拉伯和外国官员的言论，甚至–潘基文表示关心在Al qseir的真主党–所有这一切的目的都是为了镇压和粉碎抵抗运动。它对保卫叙利亚没做任何事情。叙利亚军队已经在大马士革和阿勒颇等地方取得了重大胜利，但我们还有听到在 Al-Qseir那样的悲叹。
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
Al-Manar:但是，总统先生，您的批评家认为您与真主党在阿尔及尔发动的战斗是为了形成一个可以把大马士革同滨海区连接起来的安全走廊。由此，如果叙利亚被分裂或发生地理变化，这将为(伊斯兰教什叶派支派)阿拉维派教徒铺平道路。因此，这场战斗的本质是什么，它是如何与以色列的冲突联系起来的。
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences.
阿萨德总统：首先，叙利亚和黎巴嫩的沿海区并非通过 Al-Qseir相连，从地图上看这是不可能的。其次，没有人会为了分裂而开战。如果你选择分裂，你朝着这个目标前进即可，没有必要发动全国性的战争来把自己推进一个角落里。战争并不意为着我们正走向分裂，相反的，我们十分确信我们仍会维持统一国家的状态：在法国统治叙利亚的时期，他们曾建议我们分裂，但我们的祖先拒绝了。因为在那个时候，我们的祖先是十分清楚走向分裂的一系列后果的。
Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards.
那么是否有可能，或是是否可以预测，我们的后代子孙会不会对此事缺乏认识或关切呢？值得再次重申的是，在Al-Qseir的战争及其所引起的负面舆论都与以色列有关。Al-Qseir战争发动的时机与以色列空袭的时间是协同的。以色列方面的目标是要抑制抵抗运动。以色列的目的还是没变，变的只是形式。现在重要的并不是Al-Qseir这个小镇，而是边界问题。以色列方面意图通过海陆打击来遏止反对派。在这里，人们回避了问题的实质——有人认为反对派应该面对敌军，因此应该坚持留在南方。这种说法源于2008年5月7日。当时以色列在黎巴嫩的特工试图削弱抵抗力量的通信系统；他们声称抵抗力量将自己的武器对准了国内。
They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
对于叙利亚军方，他们也说了同样的话——叙利亚军方应该就边界问题与以色列开战。对此，我们已经明确表示我们的军队会在敌人出现的任何地方与之开战。敌人在北，我们便向北挺进。对于敌人在东或者是在西的情况，这也同样适用。而这也是真主党的选择。所以问题的本身应该是为什么真主党在黎巴嫩或利比亚境内部署部队？答案是：我们的战斗反对的是以色列及其在叙利亚和黎巴嫩国内的代理人。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我有个问题，以色列通过对大马士革的空袭参与到叙利亚危机中，不过却立即宣称它不想因这次空袭而升级或干预叙利亚危机，我的问题是，以色列究竟想要什么，以及以色列想要何种类型的干预？
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
阿萨德总统：这也是我想说的。首先，在现在这种抵抗重重的情况下，发生的任何一件事都是有目的的。以色列支持恐怖分子有两个目的，一是为了消除这种抵抗；二是为了打击叙利亚的防空系统。它对其他事情没有兴趣。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
总统先生，由于以色列的目标很明确，叙利亚因沉默而被批判。人们期待叙利亚的回应，同时，叙利亚政府表示它保留在适当的时间和地点给出回应的权利。为什么不立即回应？我们是否能说导弹已经直指以色列敌方，任何攻击都有可能在没有军事会议裁决的情况下发生？
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question.
阿萨德总统:我们已经通知所有与我们接触的阿拉伯国家和其他国家，我们将会在下次回应。当然，回应已经不止一次。以色列人之前的几次试图侵犯都被我们致以及时的报复。但这些短期回应没有真正价值，他们只具有政治上的意义。如果我们想要回应以色列，那将是战略意义上的回应。
Al-Manar：怎样回应？例如开放戈兰高地？
阿萨德总统：这取决于公众的意见，是否有一种共识支持去反抗或不。这是个问题。
Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
叙利亚现在的情况如何
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
总统Assad：实际上公众的压力要开放戈兰前线给抵抗运动。整个阿拉伯世界都有这样的热情。我们也收到很多阿拉伯代表团的询问关于年轻人如何申请加入抵抗以色列人。当然，抵抗不是一件容易的事情，这不仅仅是一个地理上开放前线的问题，而是一个牵扯到政治，意识形态，社会问题的问题，最后会以军事行动收场的问题。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，如果考虑到发生在格兰高地的事件以及叙利亚对以色列穿过作战线军方车辆的报复行为，这是否意味着作战规则已经改变？如果规则已经改变，新的准则又是什么？
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
阿萨德总统：在人们推动抵抗运动的情况下，交战规则已经有所改变。不过除非我们走向战争，任何改变都是暂时的。可能出现的任何种类的回应都可能改变交战规则，不过我不这么认为。当人们走向抵抗时，真正剧烈的改变才会出现。
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
Al-Manar:你不认为这有一点晚吗？在戈兰高地持续了40年的平静和休战状态之后，有传闻说在这方面有关于新的平衡和游戏的新规则的运动？
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless.
阿萨德总统:人们总是在谈论叙利亚到底是开放前线还是关闭前线。抵抗运动不是靠国家来创造的。抵抗运动就是抵抗运动，是大众的和自发的，而不是靠创造出来的。国家既无法支持也无法反对抵抗运动，也无法像某些阿拉伯国家那样给抵抗运动设一些阻碍。我认为国家反对民众的抵抗意志是一种鲁莽的行为。
The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago.
这个问题的关键不在于叙利亚，在40年后，决定朝这个方向前进。现在国内社会舆论认为国家军队是在执行保护和解放我们领土的任务。如果我们没有军队，就像黎巴嫩现在的情形一样——人民的意愿与军队背道而驰，在内战中被相互隔绝，那起义早就在很久以前不可避免地发生了。
Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
在目前的形势下，有很多因素让我们不得不向这个方向前进，做这样的决定。首先，频发的以色列激进攻击行为是这种强烈愿望和必要动机形成的重要因素。第二，我们的军队参与了遍布叙利亚的多次战斗，在部分公民心中创造出“我们必须坚持不懈地走下去来支持在戈兰高地的军队士兵们，这是我们的义务”的强烈情感。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
Al-Manar:总统先生，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（译注：以色列总理）说如果它检测到武器被输送给了黎巴嫩真主党，以色列就会毫不犹豫地攻击叙利亚。如果以色列攻击叙利亚，我想要你直接回答我：叙利亚会怎么做？
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
阿萨德总统：当然，我们现在还无法说明要使用哪些手段来还击，这是军队指挥官的事情。我们有不同的计划来应对不同的情况，根据实际情况以及打击时机来决定我们使用哪种方式和武器。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
Al-Manar：总统先生，在针对大马士革的空袭发生后，一度有传言说S300导弹系统（售予叙方）将会扭转这一局面（指空袭）。有鉴于此，内塔尼亚胡正在拜访俄罗斯当局。那么我的问题是：这些导弹是否正在运往大马士革？叙利亚当下是否拥有这些导弹？
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Assad总统：在公开场合谈论军事问题并不符合叙方的政策，尤其是关于我们有的或即将有的武器这方面。至于俄罗斯，（我们） 合约与这次的危机一点关系都没有。叙方和莫斯科之间在各种武器销售的问题上已经磋商了好几年，而且莫斯科也同意履行这些合同。无论内塔尼亚胡出访俄罗斯还是叙利亚危机或周边环境都不会影响武器进口，所有叙-俄之间承诺都将被履行。在过去一段时间里，已经有一部分的合约被履行了。在将来，我们也将与俄方一同努力履行我们间的合约。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years.
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我们已经讨论了叙利亚国家和领导人的坚定不移，也讨论了当前战场的形式以及加强叙利亚和抵抗运动的联盟。叙利亚和抵抗运动有着共同的敌人，从另一方面看， 有一个外交活动正在搅动危机2年半以来的这塘死水。
Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
在我们谈论这些还有有关于日内瓦会议和叙利亚已经划定的警戒线（红线）之前，有一个由反对派阵线联盟的前负责人——Muaz AlKhatib——建议的简单提议或简单的解决方案。他说，总统连同500个其它的政要如果被允许在20天内离开这个国家，这个危机就将结束。你们为什么不满足这一要求并结束这场危机呢？
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
总统Assad：我一直都强调的一个基本原则：叙利亚人民可以独立的，有权利决定是否让总统继续留下或离开。所以，任何在这个问题上讲话的人应该说明他为哪一部分的叙利亚人做代表,谁给了他们这个权利来代表大家。对于这个倡议，实际上我还没有看过，但是我十分高兴他们给我20天的时间和500个人！我不知道是谁提出的这个倡议，我也不太关心他们的名字。
Interview Given by President al-Assad to Lebanese Al-Manar TV
http://www.voltairenet.org/article178714.html
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis.
Al-Manar： 以仁慈的，富有同情心的安拉的名义，愿真主赐予你们平安。叙利亚的流血冲突依然持续。忠于叙利亚这个国家的人和反对派之间的分歧是唯一恒定不变的。然而，在现存的危机中，（两派之间）没有其他常态或者细节能够在两年达成共识。
At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene.
This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed.
当时，一个伟大的协议在商议这个即将败落的政权。最后的期限被制定然后又被错过了；所有的赌注也都失去了。今天，我们在大马士革的中心地带，享受一位已经成为很多他的政敌惊愕的来源的总统的热情款待，这位总统对于很多人来说是难以理解的方程般的存在，他严重破坏了对手的算计并阻碍他们从叙利亚的政坛上将他罢黜。
来自反对派的不愉快的意外的结果打乱了他们的计划和布局，因为他们没有考虑到一个显而易见的问题：如果政府不覆灭会发生什么？如果阿萨德总统不离开叙利亚的舞台该怎么办？当然，这个问题没有明确的回答，而最终带来的是更多的破坏，杀戮和流血
Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
有言论称今天是叙利亚的关键时刻，叙利亚军队已经有防守转变为进攻并且获得了一次又一次的成功。与此同时，停滞的外交态势也被日内瓦第二次会议的争论所动摇并且成为各方发言时经常涉及的主题。有很多问题是需要得到解决： 政治解决，诉诸军事手段的决定结果，以色列敌人在当前的危机中直接干扰事件、 戈兰高地的新方程、 朋友和对手之间的关系。叙利亚领导层所计划解决复杂和危险的，并且其影响已经开始波及周边国家危机的出路是什么？我们很荣幸在今晚这些问题询问我们的H. E. 总统，巴沙尔 · 阿萨德。 您好，总统先生。
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
阿萨德总统：愿安拉赐你平安，你是大马士革最受欢迎的客人。
Al-Manar:总统先生，我们在大马士革人民宫的中心，已经两年半的叙利亚危机中。那时，赌局是总统和他的政权是否会在几个星期内被推翻。你是如何设法挫败你的对手和敌人的阴谋的呢？什么是这种坚挺背后的秘密？
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation.
阿萨德总统;与许多因素有关。一个是叙利亚的因素，这挫败了他们的意图；另一个因素是那些策划这种局面并最终把自己打败的人，因为他们不了解叙利亚，也不了解当地局势的详情。
They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
他们从他们所称的“革命”开始，然而真正的革命需要一些有形因素；你不能只投入金钱去创造一场革命。当这个方法失败，他们为分裂我们的社会转而使用宗教口号。即使他们能够渗透叙利亚社会的某些人，社会上那些愚蠢无知的人，他们也无法造成宗教分裂。如果他们能成功，叙利亚早就四分五裂了。他们也因为争权夺利而不是争取国家主权掉进了自己的陷阱。没有人会为了帮助别人获取权力去战斗并且牺牲自己的。
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
Al-Manar:看起来，卫国战争中，叙利亚的领导层在2年半的时间里在战场上是有进步的。在这里我想问下，为什么你们要选择变防御为进攻？你们不觉得现在决定去发动攻势已经迟了吗，而且也导致了沉重的损失，例如Al-Qseir（的战斗）。
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
阿萨德总统：这不是一个防御或攻击的问题。
每一场战争都有其自己的战术。在一开始的时候，我们并不是只从军事角度来考虑问题的，我们还把政治以及社会因素也考虑进去了-一开始的时候，有很多叙利亚人被误入歧途，同时很多友国也没弄明白我国的动态。这时，你的决定要根据特定的事情中大家（意见）的一致程度作出改变。毫无疑问，随着事件的发展叙利亚人已经能够更好理解（现在）状况，也了解了真正的利害关系。这有助于武装力量更好的履行自己的职责和获得成果。因此，与其说现在是转换防御为进攻，还不如说力量对比朝着对政府军有利的方向在前进。
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
总统先生，这样的平衡是如何被打破的？叙利亚政府因为要求得到外国的援助而受到批评，而且据说黎巴嫩真主党正在加强对叙利亚政府的支持，据说真主党武装竭尽全力提供援助。在以前的采访中，你说：有2300万叙利亚人；我们不需要其他任何人的帮助。真主党在叙利亚在做什么？
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood.
阿萨德总统：打破这种平衡的主要原因是曾经孕育了武装分子的人们观念的改变，对于他们来说不一定是缺乏爱国主义，而是因为他们被欺骗了。有人让他们相信这是一场反对失败国家的革命。这一切已经发生了改变，许多人已经离开了这些恐怖组织，回归自己的正常生活。至于据说有关于真主党和其他外国战士同叙利亚军队并肩作战，这是一个重要问题，有许多复杂因素，每个因素都应该被充分理解。
Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two?
真主党，阿尔及尔的战斗及最近的以色列空袭——这三个因素不能看作是相互独立的，它们是同一事件的一个部分。更直白的，最近几周，特别是Hasan Nasrallah演说后，阿拉伯和其他国家媒体都说真主党战士参加了叙利亚的战斗并且站在了叙利亚政府一边，或他们所说的“政权”。逻辑上讲，如果真主党和抵抗战士真的想通过派遣战士来帮助叙利亚，他们又能派多少呢——几百，一千或两千?
We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists.
如果不是邻国和其他国家对恐怖分子持续不断的战争支持，我们这里谈论的战争将是数十万叙利亚士兵对抗数万名恐怖分子的战争。所以，很明显，相比于叙利亚军队，真主党对战争的贡献就是沧海一粟。
When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo?
如果也考虑到叙利亚拥有这么大的国土，真主党派遣来的战士是无法保护叙利亚这个国家以及叙利亚“政权”的。这是一方面，而另一方面，如果他们声称他们是在保卫叙利亚，为什么要等到现在？战斗自2011年的斋月后开始，而在2012年，准确的说是在2012年的夏天却又变得更加激烈。他们发动战役来“解放大马士革”并第一次发动了进攻，紧接着是第二次第三次。四名将军被刺杀，大量人民离开叙利亚，而且许多人认为这次这个国家要灭亡了。可它没有。但是在这段时期，真主党从未露面，但它为什么在此刻现身？更重要的是，为什么我们看不见真主党在大马士革及阿勒颇战斗？
The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons.
So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
大马士革和阿勒颇的战斗才是十分重要的，而不是Al-qseir。Al-qseir只是霍姆斯的一个小镇，为什么我们没有看到真主党在霍姆斯市？很明显，所有的假设都是不准确的。他们说Al-Qseir是一个战略性的边境城镇，但是对于恐怖分子来说，因为要偷渡和走私武器，所有的边境都是战略要地。因此，所以这些说法和真主党一点关系都没有。如果我们考虑到阿拉伯媒体的悲叹和牢骚，阿拉伯和外国官员的言论，甚至–潘基文表示关心在Al qseir的真主党–所有这一切的目的都是为了镇压和粉碎抵抗运动。它对保卫叙利亚没做任何事情。叙利亚军队已经在大马士革和阿勒颇等地方取得了重大胜利，但我们还有听到在 Al-Qseir那样的悲叹。
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
Al-Manar:但是，总统先生，您的批评家认为您与真主党在阿尔及尔发动的战斗是为了形成一个可以把大马士革同滨海区连接起来的安全走廊。由此，如果叙利亚被分裂或发生地理变化，这将为(伊斯兰教什叶派支派)阿拉维派教徒铺平道路。因此，这场战斗的本质是什么，它是如何与以色列的冲突联系起来的。
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences.
阿萨德总统：首先，叙利亚和黎巴嫩的沿海区并非通过 Al-Qseir相连，从地图上看这是不可能的。其次，没有人会为了分裂而开战。如果你选择分裂，你朝着这个目标前进即可，没有必要发动全国性的战争来把自己推进一个角落里。战争并不意为着我们正走向分裂，相反的，我们十分确信我们仍会维持统一国家的状态：在法国统治叙利亚的时期，他们曾建议我们分裂，但我们的祖先拒绝了。因为在那个时候，我们的祖先是十分清楚走向分裂的一系列后果的。
Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards.
那么是否有可能，或是是否可以预测，我们的后代子孙会不会对此事缺乏认识或关切呢？值得再次重申的是，在Al-Qseir的战争及其所引起的负面舆论都与以色列有关。Al-Qseir战争发动的时机与以色列空袭的时间是协同的。以色列方面的目标是要抑制抵抗运动。以色列的目的还是没变，变的只是形式。现在重要的并不是Al-Qseir这个小镇，而是边界问题。以色列方面意图通过海陆打击来遏止反对派。在这里，人们回避了问题的实质——有人认为反对派应该面对敌军，因此应该坚持留在南方。这种说法源于2008年5月7日。当时以色列在黎巴嫩的特工试图削弱抵抗力量的通信系统；他们声称抵抗力量将自己的武器对准了国内。
They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
对于叙利亚军方，他们也说了同样的话——叙利亚军方应该就边界问题与以色列开战。对此，我们已经明确表示我们的军队会在敌人出现的任何地方与之开战。敌人在北，我们便向北挺进。对于敌人在东或者是在西的情况，这也同样适用。而这也是真主党的选择。所以问题的本身应该是为什么真主党在黎巴嫩或利比亚境内部署部队？答案是：我们的战斗反对的是以色列及其在叙利亚和黎巴嫩国内的代理人。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我有个问题，以色列通过对大马士革的空袭参与到叙利亚危机中，不过却立即宣称它不想因这次空袭而升级或干预叙利亚危机，我的问题是，以色列究竟想要什么，以及以色列想要何种类型的干预？
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
阿萨德总统：这也是我想说的。首先，在现在这种抵抗重重的情况下，发生的任何一件事都是有目的的。以色列支持恐怖分子有两个目的，一是为了消除这种抵抗；二是为了打击叙利亚的防空系统。它对其他事情没有兴趣。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
总统先生，由于以色列的目标很明确，叙利亚因沉默而被批判。人们期待叙利亚的回应，同时，叙利亚政府表示它保留在适当的时间和地点给出回应的权利。为什么不立即回应？我们是否能说导弹已经直指以色列敌方，任何攻击都有可能在没有军事会议裁决的情况下发生？
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question.
阿萨德总统:我们已经通知所有与我们接触的阿拉伯国家和其他国家，我们将会在下次回应。当然，回应已经不止一次。以色列人之前的几次试图侵犯都被我们致以及时的报复。但这些短期回应没有真正价值，他们只具有政治上的意义。如果我们想要回应以色列，那将是战略意义上的回应。
Al-Manar：怎样回应？例如开放戈兰高地？
阿萨德总统：这取决于公众的意见，是否有一种共识支持去反抗或不。这是个问题。
Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
叙利亚现在的情况如何
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
总统Assad：实际上公众的压力要开放戈兰前线给抵抗运动。整个阿拉伯世界都有这样的热情。我们也收到很多阿拉伯代表团的询问关于年轻人如何申请加入抵抗以色列人。当然，抵抗不是一件容易的事情，这不仅仅是一个地理上开放前线的问题，而是一个牵扯到政治，意识形态，社会问题的问题，最后会以军事行动收场的问题。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，如果考虑到发生在格兰高地的事件以及叙利亚对以色列穿过作战线军方车辆的报复行为，这是否意味着作战规则已经改变？如果规则已经改变，新的准则又是什么？
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
阿萨德总统：在人们推动抵抗运动的情况下，交战规则已经有所改变。不过除非我们走向战争，任何改变都是暂时的。可能出现的任何种类的回应都可能改变交战规则，不过我不这么认为。当人们走向抵抗时，真正剧烈的改变才会出现。
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
Al-Manar:你不认为这有一点晚吗？在戈兰高地持续了40年的平静和休战状态之后，有传闻说在这方面有关于新的平衡和游戏的新规则的运动？
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless.
阿萨德总统:人们总是在谈论叙利亚到底是开放前线还是关闭前线。抵抗运动不是靠国家来创造的。抵抗运动就是抵抗运动，是大众的和自发的，而不是靠创造出来的。国家既无法支持也无法反对抵抗运动，也无法像某些阿拉伯国家那样给抵抗运动设一些阻碍。我认为国家反对民众的抵抗意志是一种鲁莽的行为。
The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago.
这个问题的关键不在于叙利亚，在40年后，决定朝这个方向前进。现在国内社会舆论认为国家军队是在执行保护和解放我们领土的任务。如果我们没有军队，就像黎巴嫩现在的情形一样——人民的意愿与军队背道而驰，在内战中被相互隔绝，那起义早就在很久以前不可避免地发生了。
Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
在目前的形势下，有很多因素让我们不得不向这个方向前进，做这样的决定。首先，频发的以色列激进攻击行为是这种强烈愿望和必要动机形成的重要因素。第二，我们的军队参与了遍布叙利亚的多次战斗，在部分公民心中创造出“我们必须坚持不懈地走下去来支持在戈兰高地的军队士兵们，这是我们的义务”的强烈情感。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
Al-Manar:总统先生，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（译注：以色列总理）说如果它检测到武器被输送给了黎巴嫩真主党，以色列就会毫不犹豫地攻击叙利亚。如果以色列攻击叙利亚，我想要你直接回答我：叙利亚会怎么做？
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
阿萨德总统：当然，我们现在还无法说明要使用哪些手段来还击，这是军队指挥官的事情。我们有不同的计划来应对不同的情况，根据实际情况以及打击时机来决定我们使用哪种方式和武器。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
Al-Manar：总统先生，在针对大马士革的空袭发生后，一度有传言说S300导弹系统（售予叙方）将会扭转这一局面（指空袭）。有鉴于此，内塔尼亚胡正在拜访俄罗斯当局。那么我的问题是：这些导弹是否正在运往大马士革？叙利亚当下是否拥有这些导弹？
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Assad总统：在公开场合谈论军事问题并不符合叙方的政策，尤其是关于我们有的或即将有的武器这方面。至于俄罗斯，（我们） 合约与这次的危机一点关系都没有。叙方和莫斯科之间在各种武器销售的问题上已经磋商了好几年，而且莫斯科也同意履行这些合同。无论内塔尼亚胡出访俄罗斯还是叙利亚危机或周边环境都不会影响武器进口，所有叙-俄之间承诺都将被履行。在过去一段时间里，已经有一部分的合约被履行了。在将来，我们也将与俄方一同努力履行我们间的合约。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years.
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我们已经讨论了叙利亚国家和领导人的坚定不移，也讨论了当前战场的形式以及加强叙利亚和抵抗运动的联盟。叙利亚和抵抗运动有着共同的敌人，从另一方面看， 有一个外交活动正在搅动危机2年半以来的这塘死水。
Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
在我们谈论这些还有有关于日内瓦会议和叙利亚已经划定的警戒线（红线）之前，有一个由反对派阵线联盟的前负责人——Muaz AlKhatib——建议的简单提议或简单的解决方案。他说，总统连同500个其它的政要如果被允许在20天内离开这个国家，这个危机就将结束。你们为什么不满足这一要求并结束这场危机呢？
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
总统Assad：我一直都强调的一个基本原则：叙利亚人民可以独立的，有权利决定是否让总统继续留下或离开。所以，任何在这个问题上讲话的人应该说明他为哪一部分的叙利亚人做代表,谁给了他们这个权利来代表大家。对于这个倡议，实际上我还没有看过，但是我十分高兴他们给我20天的时间和500个人！我不知道是谁提出的这个倡议，我也不太关心他们的名字。
叙利亚总统接受黎巴嫩灯塔电视台采访
Interview Given by President al-Assad to Lebanese Al-Manar TV
http://www.voltairenet.org/article178714.html
Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis.
Al-Manar： 以仁慈的，富有同情心的安拉的名义，愿真主赐予你们平安。叙利亚的流血冲突依然持续。忠于叙利亚这个国家的人和反对派之间的分歧是唯一恒定不变的。然而，在现存的危机中，（两派之间）没有其他常态或者细节能够在两年达成共识。
At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene.
This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed.
当时，一个伟大的协议在商议这个即将败落的政权。最后的期限被制定然后又被错过了；所有的赌注也都失去了。今天，我们在大马士革的中心地带，享受一位已经成为很多他的政敌惊愕的来源的总统的热情款待，这位总统对于很多人来说是难以理解的方程般的存在，他严重破坏了对手的算计并阻碍他们从叙利亚的政坛上将他罢黜。
来自反对派的不愉快的意外的结果打乱了他们的计划和布局，因为他们没有考虑到一个显而易见的问题：如果政府不覆灭会发生什么？如果阿萨德总统不离开叙利亚的舞台该怎么办？当然，这个问题没有明确的回答，而最终带来的是更多的破坏，杀戮和流血
Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.
有言论称今天是叙利亚的关键时刻，叙利亚军队已经有防守转变为进攻并且获得了一次又一次的成功。与此同时，停滞的外交态势也被日内瓦第二次会议的争论所动摇并且成为各方发言时经常涉及的主题。有很多问题是需要得到解决： 政治解决，诉诸军事手段的决定结果，以色列敌人在当前的危机中直接干扰事件、 戈兰高地的新方程、 朋友和对手之间的关系。叙利亚领导层所计划解决复杂和危险的，并且其影响已经开始波及周边国家危机的出路是什么？我们很荣幸在今晚这些问题询问我们的H. E. 总统，巴沙尔 · 阿萨德。 您好，总统先生。
President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?
阿萨德总统：愿安拉赐你平安，你是大马士革最受欢迎的客人。
Al-Manar:总统先生，我们在大马士革人民宫的中心，已经两年半的叙利亚危机中。那时，赌局是总统和他的政权是否会在几个星期内被推翻。你是如何设法挫败你的对手和敌人的阴谋的呢？什么是这种坚挺背后的秘密？
President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation.
阿萨德总统;与许多因素有关。一个是叙利亚的因素，这挫败了他们的意图；另一个因素是那些策划这种局面并最终把自己打败的人，因为他们不了解叙利亚，也不了解当地局势的详情。
They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.
他们从他们所称的“革命”开始，然而真正的革命需要一些有形因素；你不能只投入金钱去创造一场革命。当这个方法失败，他们为分裂我们的社会转而使用宗教口号。即使他们能够渗透叙利亚社会的某些人，社会上那些愚蠢无知的人，他们也无法造成宗教分裂。如果他们能成功，叙利亚早就四分五裂了。他们也因为争权夺利而不是争取国家主权掉进了自己的陷阱。没有人会为了帮助别人获取权力去战斗并且牺牲自己的。
Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.
Al-Manar:看起来，卫国战争中，叙利亚的领导层在2年半的时间里在战场上是有进步的。在这里我想问下，为什么你们要选择变防御为进攻？你们不觉得现在决定去发动攻势已经迟了吗，而且也导致了沉重的损失，例如Al-Qseir（的战斗）。
President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well - many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.
阿萨德总统：这不是一个防御或攻击的问题。
每一场战争都有其自己的战术。在一开始的时候，我们并不是只从军事角度来考虑问题的，我们还把政治以及社会因素也考虑进去了-一开始的时候，有很多叙利亚人被误入歧途，同时很多友国也没弄明白我国的动态。这时，你的决定要根据特定的事情中大家（意见）的一致程度作出改变。毫无疑问，随着事件的发展叙利亚人已经能够更好理解（现在）状况，也了解了真正的利害关系。这有助于武装力量更好的履行自己的职责和获得成果。因此，与其说现在是转换防御为进攻，还不如说力量对比朝着对政府军有利的方向在前进。
Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?
总统先生，这样的平衡是如何被打破的？叙利亚政府因为要求得到外国的援助而受到批评，而且据说黎巴嫩真主党正在加强对叙利亚政府的支持，据说真主党武装竭尽全力提供援助。在以前的采访中，你说：有2300万叙利亚人；我们不需要其他任何人的帮助。真主党在叙利亚在做什么？
President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood.
阿萨德总统：打破这种平衡的主要原因是曾经孕育了武装分子的人们观念的改变，对于他们来说不一定是缺乏爱国主义，而是因为他们被欺骗了。有人让他们相信这是一场反对失败国家的革命。这一切已经发生了改变，许多人已经离开了这些恐怖组织，回归自己的正常生活。至于据说有关于真主党和其他外国战士同叙利亚军队并肩作战，这是一个重要问题，有许多复杂因素，每个因素都应该被充分理解。
Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send - a few hundred, a thousand or two?
真主党，阿尔及尔的战斗及最近的以色列空袭——这三个因素不能看作是相互独立的，它们是同一事件的一个部分。更直白的，最近几周，特别是Hasan Nasrallah演说后，阿拉伯和其他国家媒体都说真主党战士参加了叙利亚的战斗并且站在了叙利亚政府一边，或他们所说的“政权”。逻辑上讲，如果真主党和抵抗战士真的想通过派遣战士来帮助叙利亚，他们又能派多少呢——几百，一千或两千?
We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists.
如果不是邻国和其他国家对恐怖分子持续不断的战争支持，我们这里谈论的战争将是数十万叙利亚士兵对抗数万名恐怖分子的战争。所以，很明显，相比于叙利亚军队，真主党对战争的贡献就是沧海一粟。
When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo?
如果也考虑到叙利亚拥有这么大的国土，真主党派遣来的战士是无法保护叙利亚这个国家以及叙利亚“政权”的。这是一方面，而另一方面，如果他们声称他们是在保卫叙利亚，为什么要等到现在？战斗自2011年的斋月后开始，而在2012年，准确的说是在2012年的夏天却又变得更加激烈。他们发动战役来“解放大马士革”并第一次发动了进攻，紧接着是第二次第三次。四名将军被刺杀，大量人民离开叙利亚，而且许多人认为这次这个国家要灭亡了。可它没有。但是在这段时期，真主党从未露面，但它为什么在此刻现身？更重要的是，为什么我们看不见真主党在大马士革及阿勒颇战斗？
The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons.
So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.
大马士革和阿勒颇的战斗才是十分重要的，而不是Al-qseir。Al-qseir只是霍姆斯的一个小镇，为什么我们没有看到真主党在霍姆斯市？很明显，所有的假设都是不准确的。他们说Al-Qseir是一个战略性的边境城镇，但是对于恐怖分子来说，因为要偷渡和走私武器，所有的边境都是战略要地。因此，所以这些说法和真主党一点关系都没有。如果我们考虑到阿拉伯媒体的悲叹和牢骚，阿拉伯和外国官员的言论，甚至–潘基文表示关心在Al qseir的真主党–所有这一切的目的都是为了镇压和粉碎抵抗运动。它对保卫叙利亚没做任何事情。叙利亚军队已经在大马士革和阿勒颇等地方取得了重大胜利，但我们还有听到在 Al-Qseir那样的悲叹。
Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.
Al-Manar:但是，总统先生，您的批评家认为您与真主党在阿尔及尔发动的战斗是为了形成一个可以把大马士革同滨海区连接起来的安全走廊。由此，如果叙利亚被分裂或发生地理变化，这将为(伊斯兰教什叶派支派)阿拉维派教徒铺平道路。因此，这场战斗的本质是什么，它是如何与以色列的冲突联系起来的。
President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences.
阿萨德总统：首先，叙利亚和黎巴嫩的沿海区并非通过 Al-Qseir相连，从地图上看这是不可能的。其次，没有人会为了分裂而开战。如果你选择分裂，你朝着这个目标前进即可，没有必要发动全国性的战争来把自己推进一个角落里。战争并不意为着我们正走向分裂，相反的，我们十分确信我们仍会维持统一国家的状态：在法国统治叙利亚的时期，他们曾建议我们分裂，但我们的祖先拒绝了。因为在那个时候，我们的祖先是十分清楚走向分裂的一系列后果的。
Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself - some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards.
那么是否有可能，或是是否可以预测，我们的后代子孙会不会对此事缺乏认识或关切呢？值得再次重申的是，在Al-Qseir的战争及其所引起的负面舆论都与以色列有关。Al-Qseir战争发动的时机与以色列空袭的时间是协同的。以色列方面的目标是要抑制抵抗运动。以色列的目的还是没变，变的只是形式。现在重要的并不是Al-Qseir这个小镇，而是边界问题。以色列方面意图通过海陆打击来遏止反对派。在这里，人们回避了问题的实质——有人认为反对派应该面对敌军，因此应该坚持留在南方。这种说法源于2008年5月7日。当时以色列在黎巴嫩的特工试图削弱抵抗力量的通信系统；他们声称抵抗力量将自己的武器对准了国内。
They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.
对于叙利亚军方，他们也说了同样的话——叙利亚军方应该就边界问题与以色列开战。对此，我们已经明确表示我们的军队会在敌人出现的任何地方与之开战。敌人在北，我们便向北挺进。对于敌人在东或者是在西的情况，这也同样适用。而这也是真主党的选择。所以问题的本身应该是为什么真主党在黎巴嫩或利比亚境内部署部队？答案是：我们的战斗反对的是以色列及其在叙利亚和黎巴嫩国内的代理人。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我有个问题，以色列通过对大马士革的空袭参与到叙利亚危机中，不过却立即宣称它不想因这次空袭而升级或干预叙利亚危机，我的问题是，以色列究竟想要什么，以及以色列想要何种类型的干预？
President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.
阿萨德总统：这也是我想说的。首先，在现在这种抵抗重重的情况下，发生的任何一件事都是有目的的。以色列支持恐怖分子有两个目的，一是为了消除这种抵抗；二是为了打击叙利亚的防空系统。它对其他事情没有兴趣。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?
总统先生，由于以色列的目标很明确，叙利亚因沉默而被批判。人们期待叙利亚的回应，同时，叙利亚政府表示它保留在适当的时间和地点给出回应的权利。为什么不立即回应？我们是否能说导弹已经直指以色列敌方，任何攻击都有可能在没有军事会议裁决的情况下发生？
President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties - mostly foreign - that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.
Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?
President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question.
阿萨德总统:我们已经通知所有与我们接触的阿拉伯国家和其他国家，我们将会在下次回应。当然，回应已经不止一次。以色列人之前的几次试图侵犯都被我们致以及时的报复。但这些短期回应没有真正价值，他们只具有政治上的意义。如果我们想要回应以色列，那将是战略意义上的回应。
Al-Manar：怎样回应？例如开放戈兰高地？
阿萨德总统：这取决于公众的意见，是否有一种共识支持去反抗或不。这是个问题。
Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?
叙利亚现在的情况如何
President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.
总统Assad：实际上公众的压力要开放戈兰前线给抵抗运动。整个阿拉伯世界都有这样的热情。我们也收到很多阿拉伯代表团的询问关于年轻人如何申请加入抵抗以色列人。当然，抵抗不是一件容易的事情，这不仅仅是一个地理上开放前线的问题，而是一个牵扯到政治，意识形态，社会问题的问题，最后会以军事行动收场的问题。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?
Al-Manar: 总统先生，如果考虑到发生在格兰高地的事件以及叙利亚对以色列穿过作战线军方车辆的报复行为，这是否意味着作战规则已经改变？如果规则已经改变，新的准则又是什么？
President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.
阿萨德总统：在人们推动抵抗运动的情况下，交战规则已经有所改变。不过除非我们走向战争，任何改变都是暂时的。可能出现的任何种类的回应都可能改变交战规则，不过我不这么认为。当人们走向抵抗时，真正剧烈的改变才会出现。
Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?
Al-Manar:你不认为这有一点晚吗？在戈兰高地持续了40年的平静和休战状态之后，有传闻说在这方面有关于新的平衡和游戏的新规则的运动？
President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, - or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless.
阿萨德总统:人们总是在谈论叙利亚到底是开放前线还是关闭前线。抵抗运动不是靠国家来创造的。抵抗运动就是抵抗运动，是大众的和自发的，而不是靠创造出来的。国家既无法支持也无法反对抵抗运动，也无法像某些阿拉伯国家那样给抵抗运动设一些阻碍。我认为国家反对民众的抵抗意志是一种鲁莽的行为。
The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago.
这个问题的关键不在于叙利亚，在40年后，决定朝这个方向前进。现在国内社会舆论认为国家军队是在执行保护和解放我们领土的任务。如果我们没有军队，就像黎巴嫩现在的情形一样——人民的意愿与军队背道而驰，在内战中被相互隔绝，那起义早就在很久以前不可避免地发生了。
Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.
在目前的形势下，有很多因素让我们不得不向这个方向前进，做这样的决定。首先，频发的以色列激进攻击行为是这种强烈愿望和必要动机形成的重要因素。第二，我们的军队参与了遍布叙利亚的多次战斗，在部分公民心中创造出“我们必须坚持不懈地走下去来支持在戈兰高地的军队士兵们，这是我们的义务”的强烈情感。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?
Al-Manar:总统先生，本雅明·内塔尼亚胡（译注：以色列总理）说如果它检测到武器被输送给了黎巴嫩真主党，以色列就会毫不犹豫地攻击叙利亚。如果以色列攻击叙利亚，我想要你直接回答我：叙利亚会怎么做？
President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.
阿萨德总统：当然，我们现在还无法说明要使用哪些手段来还击，这是军队指挥官的事情。我们有不同的计划来应对不同的情况，根据实际情况以及打击时机来决定我们使用哪种方式和武器。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?
Al-Manar：总统先生，在针对大马士革的空袭发生后，一度有传言说S300导弹系统（售予叙方）将会扭转这一局面（指空袭）。有鉴于此，内塔尼亚胡正在拜访俄罗斯当局。那么我的问题是：这些导弹是否正在运往大马士革？叙利亚当下是否拥有这些导弹？
President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.
Assad总统：在公开场合谈论军事问题并不符合叙方的政策，尤其是关于我们有的或即将有的武器这方面。至于俄罗斯，（我们） 合约与这次的危机一点关系都没有。叙方和莫斯科之间在各种武器销售的问题上已经磋商了好几年，而且莫斯科也同意履行这些合同。无论内塔尼亚胡出访俄罗斯还是叙利亚危机或周边环境都不会影响武器进口，所有叙-俄之间承诺都将被履行。在过去一段时间里，已经有一部分的合约被履行了。在将来，我们也将与俄方一同努力履行我们间的合约。
Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years.
Al-Manar: 总统先生，我们已经讨论了叙利亚国家和领导人的坚定不移，也讨论了当前战场的形式以及加强叙利亚和抵抗运动的联盟。叙利亚和抵抗运动有着共同的敌人，从另一方面看， 有一个外交活动正在搅动危机2年半以来的这塘死水。
Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?
在我们谈论这些还有有关于日内瓦会议和叙利亚已经划定的警戒线（红线）之前，有一个由反对派阵线联盟的前负责人——Muaz AlKhatib——建议的简单提议或简单的解决方案。他说，总统连同500个其它的政要如果被允许在20天内离开这个国家，这个危机就将结束。你们为什么不满足这一要求并结束这场危机呢？
President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.
总统Assad：我一直都强调的一个基本原则：叙利亚人民可以独立的，有权利决定是否让总统继续留下或离开。所以，任何在这个问题上讲话的人应该说明他为哪一部分的叙利亚人做代表,谁给了他们这个权利来代表大家。对于这个倡议，实际上我还没有看过，但是我十分高兴他们给我20天的时间和500个人！我不知道是谁提出的这个倡议，我也不太关心他们的名字。
Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2.
事实上他说你会得到20天,500人,但并没有保证。你会被允许离开,但无法保证任何法律行动是否会对你不利。总统先生,这给我们带来了此次谈判,我所指的是日内瓦第二次会议。
The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
叙利亚政府和领导人已经 最先开始同意并参加这个会议。 如果会议举行的话，桌子两边应该摆放这叙利亚国旗和反对派的国企。你如何说服叙利亚人民在经过两年半的危机后坐下来面对面和反对派谈判？
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag.
阿萨德总统：毕竟对于国旗来讲，如果没有它所代表的人民，它就一文不值。当我们把国旗放在桌子上或者任何其他地方的时候，我们实际上是在谈论旗帜所代表的人民。所以这个问题应该去问那些自称代表叙利亚却升起了一面和叙利亚国旗不一样的旗帜的那些人。
So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries?
首先，就旗帜而言，如果不代表人民，那么根本就没什么意义 。其次，我们会作为官方和合法的代表参加会以。但是他们代表谁？当会议结束时，我们回到叙利亚，回到我们的家和人民中去，他们呢？五星级酒店或者他们所代表的外交部门中去吗，当然不包括叙利亚,为了提交他们的报告，或回到这些国家的情报部门中去?
So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria.
As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
因此，当我们参加这次会议,我们应该非常清楚那些围坐于桌子各方的立场——我说过有些情况因为会议模式目前还不清楚,因此我们没有更多细节关于叙利亚的爱国反对派或其他在叙利亚的反对党派被考虑参与会议。至于国外的反对派团体和他们的旗帜我们知道我们参加会议不是为了和他们谈判，而是和在背后支持他们的国家谈判，但看起来就好像我们在同奴隶谈判，真相是,我们是在和他们的主人谈判。这是事实,我们不应该欺骗自己。
（未完待续）
事实上他说你会得到20天,500人,但并没有保证。你会被允许离开,但无法保证任何法律行动是否会对你不利。总统先生,这给我们带来了此次谈判,我所指的是日内瓦第二次会议。
The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?
叙利亚政府和领导人已经 最先开始同意并参加这个会议。 如果会议举行的话，桌子两边应该摆放这叙利亚国旗和反对派的国企。你如何说服叙利亚人民在经过两年半的危机后坐下来面对面和反对派谈判？
President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag.
阿萨德总统：毕竟对于国旗来讲，如果没有它所代表的人民，它就一文不值。当我们把国旗放在桌子上或者任何其他地方的时候，我们实际上是在谈论旗帜所代表的人民。所以这个问题应该去问那些自称代表叙利亚却升起了一面和叙利亚国旗不一样的旗帜的那些人。
So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to - five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course - in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries?
首先，就旗帜而言，如果不代表人民，那么根本就没什么意义 。其次，我们会作为官方和合法的代表参加会以。但是他们代表谁？当会议结束时，我们回到叙利亚，回到我们的家和人民中去，他们呢？五星级酒店或者他们所代表的外交部门中去吗，当然不包括叙利亚,为了提交他们的报告，或回到这些国家的情报部门中去?
So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table - and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria.
As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.
因此，当我们参加这次会议,我们应该非常清楚那些围坐于桌子各方的立场——我说过有些情况因为会议模式目前还不清楚,因此我们没有更多细节关于叙利亚的爱国反对派或其他在叙利亚的反对党派被考虑参与会议。至于国外的反对派团体和他们的旗帜我们知道我们参加会议不是为了和他们谈判，而是和在背后支持他们的国家谈判，但看起来就好像我们在同奴隶谈判，真相是,我们是在和他们的主人谈判。这是事实,我们不应该欺骗自己。
（未完待续）
没人回？
俄外长叫棱镜哥赶紧挪地方，美帝在咱门口遛狗 ，菲菲今天去庙会买炮仗，我几个表弟在村口叫邻村的狗咬了。
没心思听医生说他们家的事儿。
俄外长叫棱镜哥赶紧挪地方，美帝在咱门口遛狗 ，菲菲今天去庙会买炮仗，我几个表弟在村口叫邻村的狗咬了。
没心思听医生说他们家的事儿。