超级军网《时代》周刊“中国国旗+肺透照片”封面引发震动
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/28 16:32:18
转帖
把中国的国旗五星红旗和一张非典型肺炎病人的胸透X片合成在一起――这就是5月5日美
国《时代》周刊亚洲版（TIME）的封面，大标题是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），极
度丑陋而恶心，让人看到后心里打颤。这便是这本声名“显赫”的杂志在中国人民抗击
非典这样一个“人类灾难”时为我们送来的“礼物”，这样的冷漠、这样的冷酷。
十几亿中国人奉为神圣的红色图腾――被这本美国人制造的杂志如此亵渎污辱，非典型
肺炎这样一个生理性灾难也要被他们向任意与中国社会的任何层次引申，透过这个封
面我看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心。这本在美国流行的杂志
今天表现的是美国人对中国的真实“群意识”，我忽然想起9·11时候还有人在批评那些
对美国灾难幸灾乐祸的人，我忽然想起当美国大兵兵临伊拉克还有中国人在为布什叫
好，我忽然想起那句久已不闻甚至被讥为“笑谈”的话：亡我之心不死。
我们一个姓单的朋友在美国生活了十多年，他听说了我的描述后用近似歇斯底里的语
气在电话那头喊着：“这帮王八蛋，他们（美国人）就是这样，美国的媒体从来就不会
对别的国家客观的，中国人过好日子他们看着难受。现在他们当然要乐了，而且连偷
着乐都不会的！”
这样一个真正没有人性的国家，这样一种没有人性的群意识，这样一本没有人性的杂
志！
所有的中国人都要记住这本杂志和这个时刻，中国人要自强，越是在这样艰难的时刻
越要团结，共度难关，他们怎样污辱我们的，一定要讨回来――因为五星红旗是我们的
先人用鲜血染红的。
倒歉？如果倒歉管用还要警察干什么？中国绝不是伊拉克！
除此之外我无话可说。
把中国的国旗五星红旗和一张非典型肺炎病人的胸透X片合成在一起――这就是5月5日美
国《时代》周刊亚洲版（TIME）的封面，大标题是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），极
度丑陋而恶心，让人看到后心里打颤。这便是这本声名“显赫”的杂志在中国人民抗击
非典这样一个“人类灾难”时为我们送来的“礼物”，这样的冷漠、这样的冷酷。
十几亿中国人奉为神圣的红色图腾――被这本美国人制造的杂志如此亵渎污辱，非典型
肺炎这样一个生理性灾难也要被他们向任意与中国社会的任何层次引申，透过这个封
面我看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心。这本在美国流行的杂志
今天表现的是美国人对中国的真实“群意识”，我忽然想起9·11时候还有人在批评那些
对美国灾难幸灾乐祸的人，我忽然想起当美国大兵兵临伊拉克还有中国人在为布什叫
好，我忽然想起那句久已不闻甚至被讥为“笑谈”的话：亡我之心不死。
我们一个姓单的朋友在美国生活了十多年，他听说了我的描述后用近似歇斯底里的语
气在电话那头喊着：“这帮王八蛋，他们（美国人）就是这样，美国的媒体从来就不会
对别的国家客观的，中国人过好日子他们看着难受。现在他们当然要乐了，而且连偷
着乐都不会的！”
这样一个真正没有人性的国家，这样一种没有人性的群意识，这样一本没有人性的杂
志！
所有的中国人都要记住这本杂志和这个时刻，中国人要自强，越是在这样艰难的时刻
越要团结，共度难关，他们怎样污辱我们的，一定要讨回来――因为五星红旗是我们的
先人用鲜血染红的。
倒歉？如果倒歉管用还要警察干什么？中国绝不是伊拉克！
除此之外我无话可说。
[此贴子已经被作者于2003-5-20 20:51:10编辑过]
把中国的国旗五星红旗和一张非典型肺炎病人的胸透X片合成在一起――这就是5月5日美
国《时代》周刊亚洲版（TIME）的封面，大标题是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），极
度丑陋而恶心，让人看到后心里打颤。这便是这本声名“显赫”的杂志在中国人民抗击
非典这样一个“人类灾难”时为我们送来的“礼物”，这样的冷漠、这样的冷酷。
十几亿中国人奉为神圣的红色图腾――被这本美国人制造的杂志如此亵渎污辱，非典型
肺炎这样一个生理性灾难也要被他们向任意与中国社会的任何层次引申，透过这个封
面我看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心。这本在美国流行的杂志
今天表现的是美国人对中国的真实“群意识”，我忽然想起9·11时候还有人在批评那些
对美国灾难幸灾乐祸的人，我忽然想起当美国大兵兵临伊拉克还有中国人在为布什叫
好，我忽然想起那句久已不闻甚至被讥为“笑谈”的话：亡我之心不死。
我们一个姓单的朋友在美国生活了十多年，他听说了我的描述后用近似歇斯底里的语
气在电话那头喊着：“这帮王八蛋，他们（美国人）就是这样，美国的媒体从来就不会
对别的国家客观的，中国人过好日子他们看着难受。现在他们当然要乐了，而且连偷
着乐都不会的！”
这样一个真正没有人性的国家，这样一种没有人性的群意识，这样一本没有人性的杂
志！
所有的中国人都要记住这本杂志和这个时刻，中国人要自强，越是在这样艰难的时刻
越要团结，共度难关，他们怎样污辱我们的，一定要讨回来――因为五星红旗是我们的
先人用鲜血染红的。
倒歉？如果倒歉管用还要警察干什么？中国绝不是伊拉克！
除此之外我无话可说。
[此贴子已经被作者于2003-5-20 20:51:10编辑过]
转帖把中国的国旗五星红旗和一张非典型肺炎病人的胸透X片合成在一起――这就是5月5日美
国《时代》周刊亚洲版（TIME）的封面，大标题是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），极
度丑陋而恶心，让人看到后心里打颤。这便是这本声名“显赫”的杂志在中国人民抗击
非典这样一个“人类灾难”时为我们送来的“礼物”，这样的冷漠、这样的冷酷。
十几亿中国人奉为神圣的红色图腾――被这本美国人制造的杂志如此亵渎污辱，非典型
肺炎这样一个生理性灾难也要被他们向任意与中国社会的任何层次引申，透过这个封
面我看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心。这本在美国流行的杂志
今天表现的是美国人对中国的真实“群意识”，我忽然想起9·11时候还有人在批评那些
对美国灾难幸灾乐祸的人，我忽然想起当美国大兵兵临伊拉克还有中国人在为布什叫
好，我忽然想起那句久已不闻甚至被讥为“笑谈”的话：亡我之心不死。
我们一个姓单的朋友在美国生活了十多年，他听说了我的描述后用近似歇斯底里的语
气在电话那头喊着：“这帮王八蛋，他们（美国人）就是这样，美国的媒体从来就不会
对别的国家客观的，中国人过好日子他们看着难受。现在他们当然要乐了，而且连偷
着乐都不会的！”
这样一个真正没有人性的国家，这样一种没有人性的群意识，这样一本没有人性的杂
志！
所有的中国人都要记住这本杂志和这个时刻，中国人要自强，越是在这样艰难的时刻
越要团结，共度难关，他们怎样污辱我们的，一定要讨回来――因为五星红旗是我们的
先人用鲜血染红的。
倒歉？如果倒歉管用还要警察干什么？中国绝不是伊拉克！
除此之外我无话可说。
[此贴子已经被作者于2003-5-20 20:51:10编辑过]
杀死全部的美国人！！！！！！！！！！！！！！1
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀杀
WHAT A FUCKING MAGAZINE！
氢弹一枚
wtf
他们会后悔的，吗的。。。。
他们不了解中国和中国人
今天他们所做的一切，会有一天偿还的。。。
他们会为今天的无知和狂妄付出代价
他们会有一天看到，今天他们的SB每体为他们的国家干了什么，带来的什么
911，会与美国同在。。。以前我对恐怖主义有这切齿的憎恶，现在我觉得太少了。。。
当我们的国家强大的时候，我会看看那些小丑的嘴脸会扭曲到什么程度。。。
我坚信会有这一天的到来。。
得意的笑，得意的笑。。。。。
他们会后悔的，吗的。。。。
他们不了解中国和中国人
今天他们所做的一切，会有一天偿还的。。。
他们会为今天的无知和狂妄付出代价
他们会有一天看到，今天他们的SB每体为他们的国家干了什么，带来的什么
911，会与美国同在。。。以前我对恐怖主义有这切齿的憎恶，现在我觉得太少了。。。
当我们的国家强大的时候，我会看看那些小丑的嘴脸会扭曲到什么程度。。。
我坚信会有这一天的到来。。
得意的笑，得意的笑。。。。。
其实，我们没必要跟这幅图较真儿，它所要传达的意思就是，中国被非典了。而中国非典的严重局势，举世公认。
当然了，我们把国旗视为神圣不可侵犯，因此就认为这样的图片亵渎污辱了我们的尊严和感情。而美国人则没有这么多的想法，他们拿他们自己的国旗也不太当回事。
只要不违犯国旗法，用不着对国旗鼎礼膜拜。你实在愿意，别人也管不着，但你也没法子要求别人去做。
当然了，我们把国旗视为神圣不可侵犯，因此就认为这样的图片亵渎污辱了我们的尊严和感情。而美国人则没有这么多的想法，他们拿他们自己的国旗也不太当回事。
只要不违犯国旗法，用不着对国旗鼎礼膜拜。你实在愿意，别人也管不着，但你也没法子要求别人去做。
有什么东西可证明中国是sars源发国
有消息还说是美国先发的。
那爱滋病还是从美国来的，什么原因得的，你知道吗？
那是他妈的恶心美国人跟非洲大猩猩拍A片得来的。
靠！！！气愤！！！！
有消息还说是美国先发的。
那爱滋病还是从美国来的，什么原因得的，你知道吗？
那是他妈的恶心美国人跟非洲大猩猩拍A片得来的。
靠！！！气愤！！！！
其实这也没有什么
我们从这次应该可以知道了
将来非对称战争怎么打了
我们从这次应该可以知道了
将来非对称战争怎么打了
打倒美国。给美国多来几次911
美国佬狂得很
霉菌把小内穿在裤裆上，以国旗内裤为荣，可能是无心之过，但弄到俺们的国旗，就象小韩国，小日本一样，我要背上炸药包，冲到时代那里去，炸TMB的满堂光
某些捧美人士对此有何说法？
你们不会比美国人更爱美国吧？
你们不会比美国人更爱美国吧？
以下是引用answer在2003-5-20 17:47:53的发言：你是不是小题大做了？这张图片很正常，看不出你所谓的极度丑陋和恶心。是五星红旗丑陋，还是肺部的阴影恶心？
转帖
把中国的国旗五星红旗和一张非典型肺炎病人的胸透X片合成在一起――这就是5月5日美
国《时代》周刊亚洲版（TIME）的封面，大标题是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），极
度丑陋而恶心，让人看到后心里打颤。这便是这本声名“显赫”的杂志在中国人民抗击
非典这样一个“人类灾难”时为我们送来的“礼物”，这样的冷漠、这样的冷酷。
十几亿中国人奉为神圣的红色图腾――被这本美国人制造的杂志如此亵渎污辱，非典型
肺炎这样一个生理性灾难也要被他们向任意与中国社会的任何层次引申，透过这个封
面我看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心。这本在美国流行的杂志
今天表现的是美国人对中国的真实“群意识”，我忽然想起9·11时候还有人在批评那些
对美国灾难幸灾乐祸的人，我忽然想起当美国大兵兵临伊拉克还有中国人在为布什叫
好，我忽然想起那句久已不闻甚至被讥为“笑谈”的话：亡我之心不死。
我们一个姓单的朋友在美国生活了十多年，他听说了我的描述后用近似歇斯底里的语
气在电话那头喊着：“这帮王八蛋，他们（美国人）就是这样，美国的媒体从来就不会
对别的国家客观的，中国人过好日子他们看着难受。现在他们当然要乐了，而且连偷
着乐都不会的！”
这样一个真正没有人性的国家，这样一种没有人性的群意识，这样一本没有人性的杂
志！
所有的中国人都要记住这本杂志和这个时刻，中国人要自强，越是在这样艰难的时刻
越要团结，共度难关，他们怎样污辱我们的，一定要讨回来――因为五星红旗是我们的
先人用鲜血染红的。
倒歉？如果倒歉管用还要警察干什么？中国绝不是伊拉克！
除此之外我无话可说。
这张图片所传达的只是这样一个信息：中国被非典了。而这是举世公认的事实。难道这个事实是丑陋和恶心的吗？
爱国主义是伟大的，热爱国旗自然无可厚非，但爱到鼎礼膜拜的程度就没那个必要了。人家只是用你的国旗做一幅象征性的图片，你就如临大敌地、惊恐万状了，这样不好。人家一点别的意思都没有，只是想说中国病了，而已。你怎么就看出了亵渎污辱？甚至“透过这个封面”你“看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心”？说这些的时候，你能拿出证据吗？
实际上，美国人拿自己的国旗也很随意的，没咱中国人那么多讲究，又神圣啊、图腾的。只要不违反国旗法，你管不着人家利用国旗做什么。
如果讨论哪个国家更有人性的话，我估计会跑题，一定跑得很远，非到美国不可。你说的这句话倒是对头，中国人要自强。但是中国人都要记住，中国强大不强大，与五星红旗在哪本杂志上被怎么用无关。谁都看见了，星条旗可以穿在身上，坐在屁股下，可美国该是老大还是老大。
你还想说啥啊？
我们中国这几年除了经济表面发展以外，其他的还有什么。国际地位就象狗屎，
什么傻X国家都能嘲笑我们，一个外国白痴来中国能当CEO，中国女人都把能和外国人上床当做一个资本。看着国家经济市场发展，老百姓的真正疾苦却当作可以轻松对待的事。
一个社会主义国家没有应该有的强大，20多年不如以前10年。社会主义因该有的福利已经消失，在剥夺福利的同时，竟然还有人鼓吹贫富分化，只要富，无论黑白都可以。
人们在听到这样的话时难道没琢磨吗？真是废话，一部分人先富起来了，剩下的还能富吗？
钱都是堆在那里等着人按先来后到的拿吗？接下来的也一样，要走要走，非要弄出个闪光的字眼。有用吗？抗击非典时，那些字眼有用吗？……
看着中国在受灾难时，落井下石的这么多！难道不是我国外交的退步吗
什么友好，都是扯淡！尤其是什么中日友好、中美友好。看看历史，什么时候真正友好过？
就TMD现在自己骗自己！美国有影响的杂志用封面报道中国的疫情，有人觉得无所谓，很好。因为这样的人已经算麻木了。这样人在中国看国旗看多了，已经不觉得有什么意义。估计也不懂有什么意义。用美国人对待国旗的思想来对待中国精神象征，那和洋奴无异！
什么傻X国家都能嘲笑我们，一个外国白痴来中国能当CEO，中国女人都把能和外国人上床当做一个资本。看着国家经济市场发展，老百姓的真正疾苦却当作可以轻松对待的事。
一个社会主义国家没有应该有的强大，20多年不如以前10年。社会主义因该有的福利已经消失，在剥夺福利的同时，竟然还有人鼓吹贫富分化，只要富，无论黑白都可以。
人们在听到这样的话时难道没琢磨吗？真是废话，一部分人先富起来了，剩下的还能富吗？
钱都是堆在那里等着人按先来后到的拿吗？接下来的也一样，要走要走，非要弄出个闪光的字眼。有用吗？抗击非典时，那些字眼有用吗？……
看着中国在受灾难时，落井下石的这么多！难道不是我国外交的退步吗
什么友好，都是扯淡！尤其是什么中日友好、中美友好。看看历史，什么时候真正友好过？
就TMD现在自己骗自己！美国有影响的杂志用封面报道中国的疫情，有人觉得无所谓，很好。因为这样的人已经算麻木了。这样人在中国看国旗看多了，已经不觉得有什么意义。估计也不懂有什么意义。用美国人对待国旗的思想来对待中国精神象征，那和洋奴无异！
你是不是小题大做了？这张图片很正常，看不出你所谓的极度丑陋和恶心。是五星红旗丑陋，还是肺部的阴影恶心？
这张图片所传达的只是这样一个信息：中国被非典了。而这是举世公认的事实。难道这个事实是丑陋和恶心的吗？
爱国主义是伟大的，热爱国旗自然无可厚非，但爱到鼎礼膜拜的程度就没那个必要了。人家只是用你的国旗做一幅象征性的图片，你就如临大敌地、惊恐万状了，这样不好。人家一点别的意思都没有，只是想说中国病了，而已。你怎么就看出了亵渎污辱？甚至“透过这个封面”你“看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心”？说这些的时候，你能拿出证据吗？
实际上，美国人拿自己的国旗也很随意的，没咱中国人那么多讲究，又神圣啊、图腾的。只要不违反国旗法，你管不着人家利用国旗做什么。
如果讨论哪个国家更有人性的话，我估计会跑题，一定跑得很远，非到美国不可。你说的这句话倒是对头，中国人要自强。但是中国人都要记住，中国强大不强大，与五星红旗在哪本杂志上被怎么用无关。谁都看见了，星条旗可以穿在身上，坐在屁股下，可美国该是老大还是老大。
你还想说啥啊？
[em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04]
那图片是你做的啊，你怎么就知道那背后就没有险恶的用心。美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣，报道非典的新闻图片有的是，非得用中国国旗啊。
这张图片所传达的只是这样一个信息：中国被非典了。而这是举世公认的事实。难道这个事实是丑陋和恶心的吗？
爱国主义是伟大的，热爱国旗自然无可厚非，但爱到鼎礼膜拜的程度就没那个必要了。人家只是用你的国旗做一幅象征性的图片，你就如临大敌地、惊恐万状了，这样不好。人家一点别的意思都没有，只是想说中国病了，而已。你怎么就看出了亵渎污辱？甚至“透过这个封面”你“看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心”？说这些的时候，你能拿出证据吗？
实际上，美国人拿自己的国旗也很随意的，没咱中国人那么多讲究，又神圣啊、图腾的。只要不违反国旗法，你管不着人家利用国旗做什么。
如果讨论哪个国家更有人性的话，我估计会跑题，一定跑得很远，非到美国不可。你说的这句话倒是对头，中国人要自强。但是中国人都要记住，中国强大不强大，与五星红旗在哪本杂志上被怎么用无关。谁都看见了，星条旗可以穿在身上，坐在屁股下，可美国该是老大还是老大。
你还想说啥啊？
[em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04]
那图片是你做的啊，你怎么就知道那背后就没有险恶的用心。美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣，报道非典的新闻图片有的是，非得用中国国旗啊。
以下是引用realwater在2003-5-21 23:44:16的发言：
用美国人对待国旗的思想来对待中国精神象征，那和洋奴无异！
中国落后就落后在总关注精神象征，那有什么用？研究些实用的可以同老美叫板的东西来吧。
以下是引用管风急在2003-5-22 0:48:02的发言：
[quote]以下是引用realwater在2003-5-21 23:44:16的发言：
用美国人对待国旗的思想来对待中国精神象征，那和洋奴无异！
中国落后就落后在总关注精神象征，那有什么用？研究些实用的可以同老美叫板的东西来吧。
[/quote]
中国落后就落后在没有强烈的民族精神上。犹太人在美国有力量，美国能让以色列压制整个阿拉伯世界。华人在新加坡当权，新加坡政府反华。想想全世界犹太人怎么对德国人，韩国人又是怎么对日本人。我们又是应该怎么对日本人，美国人。所谓的友好只不过是我们一厢情愿，过去没有过，现在没有，将来也永远不会有。
看看东南亚土地上的华人，享受着美国，日本主子的产品，却鄙视，反对他们中国的同胞。还有那些国内麻木的让人怀疑中华民族智慧的，不得不承认的同胞，realwater兄的话已经很客气了。
以下是引用管风急在2003-5-21 23:00:43的发言：你是不是小题大做了？这张图片很正常，看不出你所谓的极度丑陋和恶心。是五星红旗丑陋，还是肺部的阴影恶心？
这张图片所传达的只是这样一个信息：中国被非典了。而这是举世公认的事实。难道这个事实是丑陋和恶心的吗？
爱国主义是伟大的，热爱国旗自然无可厚非，但爱到鼎礼膜拜的程度就没那个必要了。人家只是用你的国旗做一幅象征性的图片，你就如临大敌地、惊恐万状了，这样不好。人家一点别的意思都没有，只是想说中国病了，而已。你怎么就看出了亵渎污辱？甚至“透过这个封面”你“看到了背后丑陋无比的幸灾乐祸和深不可测的险恶用心”？说这些的时候，你能拿出证据吗？
实际上，美国人拿自己的国旗也很随意的，没咱中国人那么多讲究，又神圣啊、图腾的。只要不违反国旗法，你管不着人家利用国旗做什么。
如果讨论哪个国家更有人性的话，我估计会跑题，一定跑得很远，非到美国不可。你说的这句话倒是对头，中国人要自强。但是中国人都要记住，中国强大不强大，与五星红旗在哪本杂志上被怎么用无关。谁都看见了，星条旗可以穿在身上，坐在屁股下，可美国该是老大还是老大。
你还想说啥啊？
[/quote]
美国《时代》周刊叫咱们中国是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），你说这很正常，不必在乎，那我问你 中国的杂志在封面上放一个套上避孕套的美国国旗，叫美国是爱滋病国度，你说美国人的心里感觉会怎么样呢？
追星族都能狂热，爱国就为什么不能狂热呢？？？当然我们要学会理智地看待问题，但是我们的某些人更需要学会自尊，自信和自强。。。。。。
[em06][em06][em06][em04][em04][em04]
呵呵，能放到封面，老美对中国的重视与日俱增啊……
以下是引用vls在2003-5-22 1:41:34的发言：
中国落后就落后在没有强烈的民族精神上。犹太人在美国有力量，美国能让以色列压制整个阿拉伯世界。华人在新加坡当权，新加坡政府反华。想想全世界犹太人怎么对德国人，韩国人又是怎么对日本人。我们又是应该怎么对日本人，美国人。所谓的友好只不过是我们一厢情愿，过去没有过，现在没有，将来也永远不会有。
看看东南亚土地上的华人，享受着美国，日本主子的产品，却鄙视，反对他们中国的同胞。还有那些国内麻木的让人怀疑中华民族智慧的，不得不承认的同胞，realwater兄的话已经很客气了。
为什么中国人在世界上让人看不上，就是因为中国人自己有让人看不上的地方。想让人看得起，先把自己的毛病去掉，比如狂热的什么什么主义啦。否则，就是等你到了财大气粗的那一天，人家对你也只是望而生畏，而不是尊重。
[此贴子已经被作者于2003-5-22 7:59:20编辑过]
[此贴子已经被疾风骤雨于2003-5-22 11:13:28编辑过]
以下是引用管风急在2003-5-22 6:30:11的发言：
为什么中国人在世界上让人看不上，就是因为中国人自己有让人看不上的地方。想让人看得起，先把自己的毛病去掉，比如狂热的什么什么主义啦。否则，就是等你到了财大气粗的那一天，人家对你也只是望而生畏，而不是尊重。
[/quote]
美国人有爱国精神，也有对黑人的种族歧视，世界上别的过家因为美国有爱国精神和种族歧视而看不起美国了吗？？？
让人看不起的是那些没有自尊且堕落的中国人
爱国主义并不是别人看不上你的原因，爱国主义也不是毛病，我们需要的是正确的引导
，要把爱国主义变成中国人团结向上的凝聚力和精神支柱。
望而生畏比懦弱地乞求别人要好的多。。。。。。
tiejiba，你引用我的评论而发表的完全是扯淡！！你根本没有明白其中意义。
从理论上讲，中国共产党是先进的党，但并不是说就一点问题没有。大众也应该从一些事情上团结起来，团结起来不是推翻共产党，而是与共产党一起强大中国。执政的共产党，他们应该做好他们的事，而大众也应该积极的做好自己的事！人民不是麻木的人民，政府想麻木都不可能。
再次声明，我所谈的都是有些政策以口语化提出后，人民应该有所分析，筛选，借鉴。而不是盲目的听从。
tiejiba，再用你的屁股多想想，再出门上网络吧。
从理论上讲，中国共产党是先进的党，但并不是说就一点问题没有。大众也应该从一些事情上团结起来，团结起来不是推翻共产党，而是与共产党一起强大中国。执政的共产党，他们应该做好他们的事，而大众也应该积极的做好自己的事！人民不是麻木的人民，政府想麻木都不可能。
再次声明，我所谈的都是有些政策以口语化提出后，人民应该有所分析，筛选，借鉴。而不是盲目的听从。
tiejiba，再用你的屁股多想想，再出门上网络吧。
这期Time的中国报道共有4篇文章；
第一篇：
How Bad Is It?
Beijing has come clean, but the litmus test of China's new openness is Shanghai
By Hannah Beech | Shanghai
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
For a metropolis teeming with 13 million people, it was the most spectacular of disappearing acts. Overnight, Beijing, a city whose wide avenues are usually jam-packed with crowded buses, squadrons of bicycles and even the occasional donkey cart, had transformed into a ghost town. Panicked about Beijing's burgeoning severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) crisis, residents were fleeing or staying indoors to evade the deadly disease that had by week's end claimed 48 lives and afflicted 988 others in the capital. Restaurants, theaters and shopping malls resembled abandoned movie sets. Elementary and middle schools were closed for two weeks, while some universities confined students to their campuses. Three major hospitals were quarantined, including the Peking University People's Hospital with its 2,000 or so employees. Only the city's dilapidated railway stations bustled with activity as frantic, face-mask-clad citizens pushed and shoved for a ticket out of town. "I'm very worried about getting on a train with so many people," says a student surnamed Wang, who was waiting for the poorly ventilated train back to his native Changzhou in Jiangsu province. "But I'll do anything to get out of Beijing. It's simply become too dangerous."
It is a crisis the international community has known about for more than a month, but only now is it hitting home in China. On April 20 the government ended a weeks-long policy of massively underreporting SARS cases in the capital, sacking the city's Mayor Meng Xuenong and the nation's Health Minister Zhang Wenkang. In just one day, the city's SARS caseload was revised from 37 to 339. By week's end even that figure had almost tripled. But increased transparency has hardly meant an end to Beijing's looming biological nightmare, and the scramble to make up for lost time has only succeeded in spooking residents who had genuinely believed the city's original lowball SARS statistics. As nervous citizens cooked up exit strategies, the social stability that China's leaders were trying to maintain when they underplayed Beijing's SARS numbers has been shaken. The World Health Organization (WHO) slapped a travel advisory on the capital city, portending a slowdown of foreign investment in Beijing and sluggish economic growth.
Panics can happen anywhere, but they take on epidemic proportions in countries lacking a free flow of information. Unable to rely on government reports, Beijing's citizens were forced to depend on the rumor mill, which was turning at 1,000 r.p.m. last week. Grannies in Mao suits whispered that the entire capital was going to be quarantined, while Internet chat rooms buzzed with claims that the disease was a conspiracy courtesy of the Americans and the Taiwanese. Yu Jun, a worker at a private metal company, had heard that shops would soon be closed and was raiding a grocery store for basic food supplies. "I know this is probably a rumor," says the 32-year-old, whose neighbor has come down with SARS. "But right now I'd rather believe rumors than what the government tells me is true." Meanwhile, in villages on the outskirts of Beijing, terrified citizens have set up blockades to bar all outsiders from entering, creating an atmosphere of desperate vigilantism.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Even more worrying, hospitals on the epidemic's front lines are also spooked. Medical facilities in both Beijing and the country's impoverished interior are reeling, as the very doctors supposed to be fighting the disease are themselves falling ill; at the quarantined Peking University People's Hospital, 70 medical staff caught the disease after one virulent victim arrived at the emergency room. When that first patient checked into the hospital on April 7, doctors had not been adequately schooled in infectious-disease protocol, since Beijing was still denying the capital had a SARS problem. Medical staff quickly fashioned a makeshift isolation ward, but their quarantine techniques proved faulty when 20 patients and dozens of doctors were infected. "We just didn't have the right resources to handle the problem properly," says a department head at the hospital. "It was hard to do the right thing before the government started reporting accurate numbers." In an effort to prevent the disease from spreading to other vulnerable hospitals, Beijing has touted a soon-to-be-finished facility dedicated to treating SARS victims. The complex is a converted clinic formerly used to treat sexually transmitted diseases. Wards are being constructed out of sheet metal and resemble the temporary dormitories usually used to house migrant workers.
For the Chinese government, the SARS crisis presents the gravest threat since the student protests at Tiananmen Square 14 years ago. Confidence that the Party always knows best is badly shaken. China's leaders have parlayed their success at transforming the mainland economically into a depoliticization of the masses that enables continued one-party rule. But if the Communist Party cannot handle a public-health crisis—a basic service in most developed countries—then will it really be effective as China hurtles toward even greater transformations ahead?
How the crisis ultimately rattles China depends, in part, on what happens in the country's financial capital, Shanghai. The city is home to Jiang Zemin's power base, and if any heads roll there, the former President and his acolytes lose out. So far this city of 16 million has appeared largely untouched by the mystery virus. Last Saturday, local health officials had only confirmed two cases and 15 suspected patients, one of whom was an American. So worried were central-government officials that this last bastion of good health might be infected that they sent a directive to Shanghai authorities early last week demanding that local bureaucrats maintain the city's reputation as essentially "SARS-free," according to a vice-mayoral aide. Whether that meant Shanghai really was immune to the disease or whether they were just supposed to give outsiders the impression that China's biggest city didn't have a SARS outbreak wasn't clear. "All I have been told is that we must maintain the image of Shanghai as a place without a SARS problem," says a Shanghai health official, before adding: "Sometimes the reality can be different from the image, but if you want to attract foreign investment, image is the most important thing."
But as the week progressed, Shanghai's much-vaunted image was starting to fray. Local doctors, who have been instructed not to talk to foreign media lest they lose their jobs, haven't accused Shanghai of a cover-up as extensive as the one in Beijing. But they have voiced doubts about the veracity of the government's statistics. In a press briefing last Friday, the WHO, which concluded a five-day trip to Shanghai that day, said it generally accepted the government's confirmed caseload, despite having posted a notice on its own website the day before saying that it suspected Shanghai was underreporting the numbers. (An informal press conference set up by a WHO official on Thursday evening was halted by security personnel.) Though the WHO reported it had been given full access to medical facilities, a doctor at the People's No. 6 Hospital said the international experts were shown "a sanitized version of Shanghai's SARS problem." A doctor at the Shanghai Contagious Diseases Hospital told Time there were more than 30 suspected cases at his hospital alone, double the official suspected caseload for the whole city. He and other physicians also complained that Shanghai's requirements for diagnosing SARS had been much more stringent than elsewhere in the world and that if the standards used in, say, Hong Kong were applied in Shanghai, many patients in the suspected caseload would be shifted to confirmed cases. The same questionable accounting had been used in Beijing, before the capital became more forthright about its viral crisis. On Friday, the WHO reported that Shanghai would be adopting a less strict standard for calculating suspected cases and that the city therefore would soon be substantially increasing its suspected caseload.
At the Huashan Hospital in a leafy district of Shanghai, doctors and nurses confirmed there were seven suspected cases at their hospital, although the hospital's official press liaison said it had none. The patients were being treated in a makeshift isolation ward housed in a dilapidated prefab building formerly used for hepatitis patients. Doctors and nurses were not wearing formal isolation suits, and many were wearing four or five simple surgical masks over each other. But last Wednesday, security guards waiting for possible visit from WHO officials were instead ushering interested foreigners to a fancy high-rise nearby. On the 15th floor of this building, medical staff in full barrier suits greeted the guests, while other staff conspicuously sprayed disinfectant around the ward. The road leading to the building had been recently repainted and an elevator lady stood in the lobby, helpfully directing the visitors to the official isolation clinic. No such sprucing-up measures, however, had been taken at the makeshift ward where the patients were actually being treated. In the end, the WHO did not visit the hospital, although it toured many others. Says one security guard there: "Now we can go back to being normal."
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Similar games were played out at other hospitals. At the People's No. 6 Hospital, director He Mengqiao formally denied there were any suspected cases there, instead maintaining that the hospital was merely a "monitoring station." Yet just 10 minutes earlier, another doctor who mistakenly assumed a TIME reporter was affiliated with the WHO showed X rays of a 14-year-old patient suspected of having the disease. He said that other students at the same school were also running fevers and were being monitored. Education officials denied knowing of any such cases.
Political analysts say Shanghai's Party discipline has never been so tight as it has been in recent weeks. Early last week, top Shanghai Communist Party officials met with local state-run media to discuss the city's SARS situation. The meeting was classified as neibu (internal), meaning that the information discussed would not be disseminated to the public. Officials told the gathered media that medical experts had told them Shanghai would not escape the SARS epidemic, despite previous public assurances to the contrary. The cadres also said the WHO had told them that the U.N. agency did not believe the government number of only two confirmed cases—before the WHO basically proclaimed otherwise in its Friday press conference. Large-scale events in the city were to be canceled, and Shanghai's much-vaunted auto exhibition was ordered closed two days early after rumors that SARS-positive patients had visited the show. The media were instructed to ramp up a SARS public-education campaign so that city residents would know how to prevent the spread of the virus.
But then the meeting took an alarming turn. Party officials cautioned that "Shanghai's SARS caseload was still a state secret," according to a journalist in attendance. The state media were not to report any SARS statistics higher than the government-sanctioned figures, nor were Shanghai-based journalists allowed to interview any SARS patients or their families. "Readers are going to be very confused," complained the journalist. "On the one hand, we tell them there are almost no cases in Shanghai. On the other, we tell them that they must be very vigilant in avoiding the disease. But if Shanghai has barely any cases, why does the public need to be worried about SARS?" The answer to that question is self-evident. The Party, however, appears to still be putting its own survival above the well-being of ordinary Chinese.
As frightening as China's medical epidemic is, the country's leaders could find the economic and political fallout even more terrifying. For years, the Communist Party has based its legitimacy on a record of rapid economic development. Soaring GDP rates and rapidly improving material well-being have distracted the masses from a still spotty human-rights record and sclerotic political system. Fear of an economic downturn, such as the one hitting Hong Kong, was among the reasons the government covered up the epidemic for so long. Now, the disease looks like it could indeed have a devastating effect on the country's finances—precisely at a time when other Asian nations were counting on China to serve as an engine for regional economic growth. Already, Citigroup has lowered its forecast of China's growth for this year to 6.5％, far below the 8％ Beijing considers the minimum requisite level to provide work for the millions who are being let go by money-losing state enterprises each year. A poll by the American Chamber of Commerce in Beijing shows that 20％ of its member companies have already sent family members out of China for fear of SARS. "Anything that requires face-to-face meetings is on hold," says Jack Langlois, director of Morgan Stanley Properties for China. But expatriates are the least of China's problems. The brunt of the economic burden will be largely borne by the laboring masses, namely the country's estimated 120 million migrant workers, who have already been flocking to Beijing's train stations in the tens of thousands after being let go from menial jobs at restaurants, markets and factories. "(The impact) will fall disproportionately on those least able to cope," says Tang Min, chief economist at the Asian Development Bank in Beijing.
These economic and social implications of the disease may be pushing China's leadership to a make-or-break point. Containing the outbreak is the first big test for the country's new President, Hu Jintao, a man who appears to have reached the top by keeping his head down and not formulating a single memorable policy. But in an unprecedented display of forthrightness, both Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao have called for increased transparency in dealing with SARS—a radical policy departure, and major political gamble, for a leadership that traditionally feels more comfortable with obfuscation than candor. If Hu's move toward open governance pays off by containing the disease and winning public confidence, analysts say it could help him consolidate his power base by shunting aside forces loyal to his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. "This is his chance to grab the support of the people and stand up on his own," says Bao Tong, a former senior Party official who was purged after the 1989 Tiananmen uprising and lives in Beijing. But should China's GDP rates tumble or the public remain skittish, Jiang, with his continuing control of the military, could reassert his authority. That could signal a return to the bad old days when the Communist Party regarded the massacre around Tiananmen Square and the deaths of some 200,000 people in the 1976 Tangshan earthquake as state secrets. Keeping information about SARS a secret, however, could ultimately undo much of the progress China has made over the past 10 years in securing foreign investment and ensuring growth. It's hard to do business with a government that won't talk openly about a disease that could kill you.
—With reporting by Bu Hua/Shanghai and Matthew Forney, Huang Yong and Susan Jakes/Beijing
第一篇：
How Bad Is It?
Beijing has come clean, but the litmus test of China's new openness is Shanghai
By Hannah Beech | Shanghai
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
For a metropolis teeming with 13 million people, it was the most spectacular of disappearing acts. Overnight, Beijing, a city whose wide avenues are usually jam-packed with crowded buses, squadrons of bicycles and even the occasional donkey cart, had transformed into a ghost town. Panicked about Beijing's burgeoning severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) crisis, residents were fleeing or staying indoors to evade the deadly disease that had by week's end claimed 48 lives and afflicted 988 others in the capital. Restaurants, theaters and shopping malls resembled abandoned movie sets. Elementary and middle schools were closed for two weeks, while some universities confined students to their campuses. Three major hospitals were quarantined, including the Peking University People's Hospital with its 2,000 or so employees. Only the city's dilapidated railway stations bustled with activity as frantic, face-mask-clad citizens pushed and shoved for a ticket out of town. "I'm very worried about getting on a train with so many people," says a student surnamed Wang, who was waiting for the poorly ventilated train back to his native Changzhou in Jiangsu province. "But I'll do anything to get out of Beijing. It's simply become too dangerous."
It is a crisis the international community has known about for more than a month, but only now is it hitting home in China. On April 20 the government ended a weeks-long policy of massively underreporting SARS cases in the capital, sacking the city's Mayor Meng Xuenong and the nation's Health Minister Zhang Wenkang. In just one day, the city's SARS caseload was revised from 37 to 339. By week's end even that figure had almost tripled. But increased transparency has hardly meant an end to Beijing's looming biological nightmare, and the scramble to make up for lost time has only succeeded in spooking residents who had genuinely believed the city's original lowball SARS statistics. As nervous citizens cooked up exit strategies, the social stability that China's leaders were trying to maintain when they underplayed Beijing's SARS numbers has been shaken. The World Health Organization (WHO) slapped a travel advisory on the capital city, portending a slowdown of foreign investment in Beijing and sluggish economic growth.
Panics can happen anywhere, but they take on epidemic proportions in countries lacking a free flow of information. Unable to rely on government reports, Beijing's citizens were forced to depend on the rumor mill, which was turning at 1,000 r.p.m. last week. Grannies in Mao suits whispered that the entire capital was going to be quarantined, while Internet chat rooms buzzed with claims that the disease was a conspiracy courtesy of the Americans and the Taiwanese. Yu Jun, a worker at a private metal company, had heard that shops would soon be closed and was raiding a grocery store for basic food supplies. "I know this is probably a rumor," says the 32-year-old, whose neighbor has come down with SARS. "But right now I'd rather believe rumors than what the government tells me is true." Meanwhile, in villages on the outskirts of Beijing, terrified citizens have set up blockades to bar all outsiders from entering, creating an atmosphere of desperate vigilantism.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Even more worrying, hospitals on the epidemic's front lines are also spooked. Medical facilities in both Beijing and the country's impoverished interior are reeling, as the very doctors supposed to be fighting the disease are themselves falling ill; at the quarantined Peking University People's Hospital, 70 medical staff caught the disease after one virulent victim arrived at the emergency room. When that first patient checked into the hospital on April 7, doctors had not been adequately schooled in infectious-disease protocol, since Beijing was still denying the capital had a SARS problem. Medical staff quickly fashioned a makeshift isolation ward, but their quarantine techniques proved faulty when 20 patients and dozens of doctors were infected. "We just didn't have the right resources to handle the problem properly," says a department head at the hospital. "It was hard to do the right thing before the government started reporting accurate numbers." In an effort to prevent the disease from spreading to other vulnerable hospitals, Beijing has touted a soon-to-be-finished facility dedicated to treating SARS victims. The complex is a converted clinic formerly used to treat sexually transmitted diseases. Wards are being constructed out of sheet metal and resemble the temporary dormitories usually used to house migrant workers.
For the Chinese government, the SARS crisis presents the gravest threat since the student protests at Tiananmen Square 14 years ago. Confidence that the Party always knows best is badly shaken. China's leaders have parlayed their success at transforming the mainland economically into a depoliticization of the masses that enables continued one-party rule. But if the Communist Party cannot handle a public-health crisis—a basic service in most developed countries—then will it really be effective as China hurtles toward even greater transformations ahead?
How the crisis ultimately rattles China depends, in part, on what happens in the country's financial capital, Shanghai. The city is home to Jiang Zemin's power base, and if any heads roll there, the former President and his acolytes lose out. So far this city of 16 million has appeared largely untouched by the mystery virus. Last Saturday, local health officials had only confirmed two cases and 15 suspected patients, one of whom was an American. So worried were central-government officials that this last bastion of good health might be infected that they sent a directive to Shanghai authorities early last week demanding that local bureaucrats maintain the city's reputation as essentially "SARS-free," according to a vice-mayoral aide. Whether that meant Shanghai really was immune to the disease or whether they were just supposed to give outsiders the impression that China's biggest city didn't have a SARS outbreak wasn't clear. "All I have been told is that we must maintain the image of Shanghai as a place without a SARS problem," says a Shanghai health official, before adding: "Sometimes the reality can be different from the image, but if you want to attract foreign investment, image is the most important thing."
But as the week progressed, Shanghai's much-vaunted image was starting to fray. Local doctors, who have been instructed not to talk to foreign media lest they lose their jobs, haven't accused Shanghai of a cover-up as extensive as the one in Beijing. But they have voiced doubts about the veracity of the government's statistics. In a press briefing last Friday, the WHO, which concluded a five-day trip to Shanghai that day, said it generally accepted the government's confirmed caseload, despite having posted a notice on its own website the day before saying that it suspected Shanghai was underreporting the numbers. (An informal press conference set up by a WHO official on Thursday evening was halted by security personnel.) Though the WHO reported it had been given full access to medical facilities, a doctor at the People's No. 6 Hospital said the international experts were shown "a sanitized version of Shanghai's SARS problem." A doctor at the Shanghai Contagious Diseases Hospital told Time there were more than 30 suspected cases at his hospital alone, double the official suspected caseload for the whole city. He and other physicians also complained that Shanghai's requirements for diagnosing SARS had been much more stringent than elsewhere in the world and that if the standards used in, say, Hong Kong were applied in Shanghai, many patients in the suspected caseload would be shifted to confirmed cases. The same questionable accounting had been used in Beijing, before the capital became more forthright about its viral crisis. On Friday, the WHO reported that Shanghai would be adopting a less strict standard for calculating suspected cases and that the city therefore would soon be substantially increasing its suspected caseload.
At the Huashan Hospital in a leafy district of Shanghai, doctors and nurses confirmed there were seven suspected cases at their hospital, although the hospital's official press liaison said it had none. The patients were being treated in a makeshift isolation ward housed in a dilapidated prefab building formerly used for hepatitis patients. Doctors and nurses were not wearing formal isolation suits, and many were wearing four or five simple surgical masks over each other. But last Wednesday, security guards waiting for possible visit from WHO officials were instead ushering interested foreigners to a fancy high-rise nearby. On the 15th floor of this building, medical staff in full barrier suits greeted the guests, while other staff conspicuously sprayed disinfectant around the ward. The road leading to the building had been recently repainted and an elevator lady stood in the lobby, helpfully directing the visitors to the official isolation clinic. No such sprucing-up measures, however, had been taken at the makeshift ward where the patients were actually being treated. In the end, the WHO did not visit the hospital, although it toured many others. Says one security guard there: "Now we can go back to being normal."
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Similar games were played out at other hospitals. At the People's No. 6 Hospital, director He Mengqiao formally denied there were any suspected cases there, instead maintaining that the hospital was merely a "monitoring station." Yet just 10 minutes earlier, another doctor who mistakenly assumed a TIME reporter was affiliated with the WHO showed X rays of a 14-year-old patient suspected of having the disease. He said that other students at the same school were also running fevers and were being monitored. Education officials denied knowing of any such cases.
Political analysts say Shanghai's Party discipline has never been so tight as it has been in recent weeks. Early last week, top Shanghai Communist Party officials met with local state-run media to discuss the city's SARS situation. The meeting was classified as neibu (internal), meaning that the information discussed would not be disseminated to the public. Officials told the gathered media that medical experts had told them Shanghai would not escape the SARS epidemic, despite previous public assurances to the contrary. The cadres also said the WHO had told them that the U.N. agency did not believe the government number of only two confirmed cases—before the WHO basically proclaimed otherwise in its Friday press conference. Large-scale events in the city were to be canceled, and Shanghai's much-vaunted auto exhibition was ordered closed two days early after rumors that SARS-positive patients had visited the show. The media were instructed to ramp up a SARS public-education campaign so that city residents would know how to prevent the spread of the virus.
But then the meeting took an alarming turn. Party officials cautioned that "Shanghai's SARS caseload was still a state secret," according to a journalist in attendance. The state media were not to report any SARS statistics higher than the government-sanctioned figures, nor were Shanghai-based journalists allowed to interview any SARS patients or their families. "Readers are going to be very confused," complained the journalist. "On the one hand, we tell them there are almost no cases in Shanghai. On the other, we tell them that they must be very vigilant in avoiding the disease. But if Shanghai has barely any cases, why does the public need to be worried about SARS?" The answer to that question is self-evident. The Party, however, appears to still be putting its own survival above the well-being of ordinary Chinese.
As frightening as China's medical epidemic is, the country's leaders could find the economic and political fallout even more terrifying. For years, the Communist Party has based its legitimacy on a record of rapid economic development. Soaring GDP rates and rapidly improving material well-being have distracted the masses from a still spotty human-rights record and sclerotic political system. Fear of an economic downturn, such as the one hitting Hong Kong, was among the reasons the government covered up the epidemic for so long. Now, the disease looks like it could indeed have a devastating effect on the country's finances—precisely at a time when other Asian nations were counting on China to serve as an engine for regional economic growth. Already, Citigroup has lowered its forecast of China's growth for this year to 6.5％, far below the 8％ Beijing considers the minimum requisite level to provide work for the millions who are being let go by money-losing state enterprises each year. A poll by the American Chamber of Commerce in Beijing shows that 20％ of its member companies have already sent family members out of China for fear of SARS. "Anything that requires face-to-face meetings is on hold," says Jack Langlois, director of Morgan Stanley Properties for China. But expatriates are the least of China's problems. The brunt of the economic burden will be largely borne by the laboring masses, namely the country's estimated 120 million migrant workers, who have already been flocking to Beijing's train stations in the tens of thousands after being let go from menial jobs at restaurants, markets and factories. "(The impact) will fall disproportionately on those least able to cope," says Tang Min, chief economist at the Asian Development Bank in Beijing.
These economic and social implications of the disease may be pushing China's leadership to a make-or-break point. Containing the outbreak is the first big test for the country's new President, Hu Jintao, a man who appears to have reached the top by keeping his head down and not formulating a single memorable policy. But in an unprecedented display of forthrightness, both Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao have called for increased transparency in dealing with SARS—a radical policy departure, and major political gamble, for a leadership that traditionally feels more comfortable with obfuscation than candor. If Hu's move toward open governance pays off by containing the disease and winning public confidence, analysts say it could help him consolidate his power base by shunting aside forces loyal to his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. "This is his chance to grab the support of the people and stand up on his own," says Bao Tong, a former senior Party official who was purged after the 1989 Tiananmen uprising and lives in Beijing. But should China's GDP rates tumble or the public remain skittish, Jiang, with his continuing control of the military, could reassert his authority. That could signal a return to the bad old days when the Communist Party regarded the massacre around Tiananmen Square and the deaths of some 200,000 people in the 1976 Tangshan earthquake as state secrets. Keeping information about SARS a secret, however, could ultimately undo much of the progress China has made over the past 10 years in securing foreign investment and ensuring growth. It's hard to do business with a government that won't talk openly about a disease that could kill you.
—With reporting by Bu Hua/Shanghai and Matthew Forney, Huang Yong and Susan Jakes/Beijing
第二篇：
Tapping The Source
Did Guangdong Beat the Bug?
By Matthew Forney | Guangzhou
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
In the struggle to contain SARS, Ma Lin is the man with his finger in the dike. Ma is the vice director of the center for disease control and prevention (CDC) in Guangzhou, and it's his job to track every suspected SARS victim in the capital of China's Guangdong province. That makes him one of the busiest men in China. Last Thursday, a Guangzhou man reported by his employer as running a fever was refusing to submit to a SARS examination. The response was instant. "Tell him he can deal with us now, or deal with the police later," Ma says, dictating an order to one of hundreds of health officials working around the clock. He turns to a reporter from TIME. "The police haven't actually become involved, but people always respond to the threat."
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
The health department is not normally an agent in mainland China's feared security apparatus, but decisive measures like this seem to have enabled Guangdong, birthplace of SARS, to stabilize the spread of the disease. While Beijing panics, Shanghai quibbles and Hong Kong continues to flounder, Guangdong has apparently seen a reduction in new cases from a peak of almost 50 a day in February to an average of nine for the past month, although it has hit the teens in recent days. "If SARS can be contained in Guangdong," notes World Health Organization (WHO) Beijing representative Hank Bekedam, "it becomes clear that strong action can help other provinces."
So what's Guangdong's secret? First, according to WHO sources, provincial officials on Feb. 3 set up an effective system of reporting new cases and disseminating information among its health-care workers. Unlike in Beijing or Hong Kong, where SARS patients have been scattered throughout the network of hospitals, Guangdong has consolidated them in a handful of its best hospitals. On Feb. 11, when the province publicly admitted to 305 cases, it was already running a central command to coordinate the fight against SARS. "We're tracking down every suspected case, quarantining patients and letting them go only after we're sure they're not infected," says Huang Fei, director of the command office. In the absence of a vaccine or effective treatment, that kind of dogged, shoe-leather epidemiology is vital to bringing an outbreak under control.
A look at how suspected cases are handled reveals a level of sophistication probably unseen in other parts of China. On April 20, Li Junhua, a worker on a construction site, boarded a bus for the five-hour ride to his home province of Hunan. Near the border with Guangdong, the man sitting behind the bus driver suddenly died. The driver contacted the police, who 10 minutes later arrived with health officials. They distributed masks and ordered that nobody was to leave the bus as the officials performed a background check on the dead man. "We were terrified he had died of SARS," says Li. Nine hours later, the officials had their result: the dead man's name turned up on a hospital computer as having been treated days before for a stroke. Doctors concluded the case was not SARS, but still recorded contact details of everyone on the bus and forwarded the list to the CDC in Guangzhou, where Li's contact information remains on file. "The whole process was remarkably efficient," Li told TIME by telephone from his home in Hunan.
Perhaps even more crucial, Guangdong quickly recognized the importance of protecting its medical staff, which early on accounted for nearly 40％ of all SARS cases. After an initial delay, in late February front-line workers received full-body protective suits for use in dangerous cases of the disease—something doctors and nurses in Hong Kong are only now being given. In the past month, the number of new SARS cases among health-care workers has fallen steadily to "basically none," according to Huang. SARS wards in Guangdong are well ventilated, with open windows and fans circulating air, which doctors in the province and the WHO alike believe plays an important role in preventing hospital infections.
Politically, though, Guangdong has acted as shamefully as Beijing—and those mistakes have cost the rest of the world. The province dithered in January when it first identified the virulent new atypical pneumonia that would later be labeled as SARS, losing a chance to stop the disease in its tracks. Even after Guangdong had set up its efficient response system, officials there failed to share their expertise with Beijing and Hong Kong, and misrepresented the extent of the deadly new disease. Although the WHO is "pretty satisfied" with the way the outbreak has been handled medically, "that's distinct from how it was handled politically," says Peter Cordingley, WHO's Asia spokesman.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
But infection-control methods alone seem unlikely to account for the SARS tally gap between Guangdong and neighboring Hong Kong, the latter having recorded over 130 more cases in only a month-and-a-half, with a fatality rate that's significantly higher than Guangdong's reported figure of 3.5％. Dumb luck plays a part. Guangdong officials say the province hasn't suffered a single explosive outbreak along the lines of Amoy Gardens in Hong Kong, where 321 people were infected, possibly via contaminated sewage, in a matter of days. That sudden mass of seriously ill patients spread SARS through the local community and overwhelmed hospitals, directly leading to more infections among health-care workers.
It's also possible that Guangdong natives have built up herd immunity to SARS, which occurs when a significant percentage of a population has developed antibodies against a specific disease, slowing its spread. But Malaysian microbiologist Dr. Lam Kai Sit notes that "with SARS, the incidence is so low there cannot be much immunity in the general population." Herd immunity could be aided by large instances of asymptomatic infection (infections with no sign of disease), but scientists have no way of knowing if such cases exist without using wide-scale diagnostic tests.
A more likely, and frightening, possibility is that the unstable SARS coronavirus has mutated since it left Guangdong, perhaps into a more virulent and contagious form. Scientists at the Beijing Genomics Institute announced last week that there were significant genetic differences between coronavirus samples sequenced from patients in Guangdong and in Beijing. In Hong Kong, doctors believe the virus may have mutated when it infected Amoy Gardens residents, who suffer unusual symptoms (including severe diarrhea) and have a higher fatality rate. Says Dr. Michael Lai, a coronavirus expert at the University of Southern California: "As the virus responds to different environments, different strains will emerge."
That possibility weighs on the minds of Guangdong's health officials, who know the province is just one superspreader away from a new outbreak. If SARS returns, it could spread rapidly among the province's 31 million migrant workers, who live in cramped dorms and enjoy few health services. "Even just one case a day is a problem," says Chen Rongchang, vice director of the Guangzhou Institute of Respiratory Disease. "One person could easily pass SARS on to 10 people, and then to a hundred. The virus is not dying out." Fortunately, neither is Guangdong's will to stem the tide on this deadly disease.
—With reporting by Neil Gough and Bryan Walsh/Hong Kong and Jodi Xu/Guangzhou
Tapping The Source
Did Guangdong Beat the Bug?
By Matthew Forney | Guangzhou
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
In the struggle to contain SARS, Ma Lin is the man with his finger in the dike. Ma is the vice director of the center for disease control and prevention (CDC) in Guangzhou, and it's his job to track every suspected SARS victim in the capital of China's Guangdong province. That makes him one of the busiest men in China. Last Thursday, a Guangzhou man reported by his employer as running a fever was refusing to submit to a SARS examination. The response was instant. "Tell him he can deal with us now, or deal with the police later," Ma says, dictating an order to one of hundreds of health officials working around the clock. He turns to a reporter from TIME. "The police haven't actually become involved, but people always respond to the threat."
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
The health department is not normally an agent in mainland China's feared security apparatus, but decisive measures like this seem to have enabled Guangdong, birthplace of SARS, to stabilize the spread of the disease. While Beijing panics, Shanghai quibbles and Hong Kong continues to flounder, Guangdong has apparently seen a reduction in new cases from a peak of almost 50 a day in February to an average of nine for the past month, although it has hit the teens in recent days. "If SARS can be contained in Guangdong," notes World Health Organization (WHO) Beijing representative Hank Bekedam, "it becomes clear that strong action can help other provinces."
So what's Guangdong's secret? First, according to WHO sources, provincial officials on Feb. 3 set up an effective system of reporting new cases and disseminating information among its health-care workers. Unlike in Beijing or Hong Kong, where SARS patients have been scattered throughout the network of hospitals, Guangdong has consolidated them in a handful of its best hospitals. On Feb. 11, when the province publicly admitted to 305 cases, it was already running a central command to coordinate the fight against SARS. "We're tracking down every suspected case, quarantining patients and letting them go only after we're sure they're not infected," says Huang Fei, director of the command office. In the absence of a vaccine or effective treatment, that kind of dogged, shoe-leather epidemiology is vital to bringing an outbreak under control.
A look at how suspected cases are handled reveals a level of sophistication probably unseen in other parts of China. On April 20, Li Junhua, a worker on a construction site, boarded a bus for the five-hour ride to his home province of Hunan. Near the border with Guangdong, the man sitting behind the bus driver suddenly died. The driver contacted the police, who 10 minutes later arrived with health officials. They distributed masks and ordered that nobody was to leave the bus as the officials performed a background check on the dead man. "We were terrified he had died of SARS," says Li. Nine hours later, the officials had their result: the dead man's name turned up on a hospital computer as having been treated days before for a stroke. Doctors concluded the case was not SARS, but still recorded contact details of everyone on the bus and forwarded the list to the CDC in Guangzhou, where Li's contact information remains on file. "The whole process was remarkably efficient," Li told TIME by telephone from his home in Hunan.
Perhaps even more crucial, Guangdong quickly recognized the importance of protecting its medical staff, which early on accounted for nearly 40％ of all SARS cases. After an initial delay, in late February front-line workers received full-body protective suits for use in dangerous cases of the disease—something doctors and nurses in Hong Kong are only now being given. In the past month, the number of new SARS cases among health-care workers has fallen steadily to "basically none," according to Huang. SARS wards in Guangdong are well ventilated, with open windows and fans circulating air, which doctors in the province and the WHO alike believe plays an important role in preventing hospital infections.
Politically, though, Guangdong has acted as shamefully as Beijing—and those mistakes have cost the rest of the world. The province dithered in January when it first identified the virulent new atypical pneumonia that would later be labeled as SARS, losing a chance to stop the disease in its tracks. Even after Guangdong had set up its efficient response system, officials there failed to share their expertise with Beijing and Hong Kong, and misrepresented the extent of the deadly new disease. Although the WHO is "pretty satisfied" with the way the outbreak has been handled medically, "that's distinct from how it was handled politically," says Peter Cordingley, WHO's Asia spokesman.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
But infection-control methods alone seem unlikely to account for the SARS tally gap between Guangdong and neighboring Hong Kong, the latter having recorded over 130 more cases in only a month-and-a-half, with a fatality rate that's significantly higher than Guangdong's reported figure of 3.5％. Dumb luck plays a part. Guangdong officials say the province hasn't suffered a single explosive outbreak along the lines of Amoy Gardens in Hong Kong, where 321 people were infected, possibly via contaminated sewage, in a matter of days. That sudden mass of seriously ill patients spread SARS through the local community and overwhelmed hospitals, directly leading to more infections among health-care workers.
It's also possible that Guangdong natives have built up herd immunity to SARS, which occurs when a significant percentage of a population has developed antibodies against a specific disease, slowing its spread. But Malaysian microbiologist Dr. Lam Kai Sit notes that "with SARS, the incidence is so low there cannot be much immunity in the general population." Herd immunity could be aided by large instances of asymptomatic infection (infections with no sign of disease), but scientists have no way of knowing if such cases exist without using wide-scale diagnostic tests.
A more likely, and frightening, possibility is that the unstable SARS coronavirus has mutated since it left Guangdong, perhaps into a more virulent and contagious form. Scientists at the Beijing Genomics Institute announced last week that there were significant genetic differences between coronavirus samples sequenced from patients in Guangdong and in Beijing. In Hong Kong, doctors believe the virus may have mutated when it infected Amoy Gardens residents, who suffer unusual symptoms (including severe diarrhea) and have a higher fatality rate. Says Dr. Michael Lai, a coronavirus expert at the University of Southern California: "As the virus responds to different environments, different strains will emerge."
That possibility weighs on the minds of Guangdong's health officials, who know the province is just one superspreader away from a new outbreak. If SARS returns, it could spread rapidly among the province's 31 million migrant workers, who live in cramped dorms and enjoy few health services. "Even just one case a day is a problem," says Chen Rongchang, vice director of the Guangzhou Institute of Respiratory Disease. "One person could easily pass SARS on to 10 people, and then to a hundred. The virus is not dying out." Fortunately, neither is Guangdong's will to stem the tide on this deadly disease.
—With reporting by Neil Gough and Bryan Walsh/Hong Kong and Jodi Xu/Guangzhou
第三篇：
Hong Kong
System Failure
By Bryan Walsh
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
When Betty Tung, wife of Hong Kong's beleaguered Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa, toured the city's SARS-slammed Lower Ngau Tau Kok housing estate to pass out hygiene kits, she dressed up for the occasion. Clad in a face mask, a protective cap, goggles, a plastic disposable gown, gloves and shoe guards, Mrs. Tung alarmed local residents. The protective suit was more elaborate than an ICU doctor would wear—if ICU doctors had ready access to that sort of gear—and local media had a field day criticizing her.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Mrs. Tung's misguided mission exemplifies the Hong Kong government's half-measured response to SARS. Medical staff are facing shortages of vital protective equipment even as more health-care workers are afflicted. Medical resources are stretched to the limit, but the government has been slow to consolidate the SARS patients scattered among more than 10 hospitals. "There is mismanagement within the Hospital Authority," says Dr. Lo Wing-lok, chairman of the Hong Kong Medical Association. It's not just a lack of hardware but also of will and common sense. Hong Kong authorities are screening airport passengers but have been slow to institute health checks along the busy border with Guangdong province. "This government is unwilling to take up matters with [Beijing]," says Allen Lee, a Hong Kong delegate to China's National People's Congress. "It's pathetic."
Hong Kongers are usually resigned to such incompetence. But last Friday, encouraged by the sacking of China's Health Minister and Beijing's mayor, legislator Albert Chan made a formal call for Tung's resignation. Whether or not Tung goes, his administration's credibility has already become a victim of SARS.
—Reported by Ilya Garger and Carmen Lee/Hong Kong
Hong Kong
System Failure
By Bryan Walsh
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
When Betty Tung, wife of Hong Kong's beleaguered Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa, toured the city's SARS-slammed Lower Ngau Tau Kok housing estate to pass out hygiene kits, she dressed up for the occasion. Clad in a face mask, a protective cap, goggles, a plastic disposable gown, gloves and shoe guards, Mrs. Tung alarmed local residents. The protective suit was more elaborate than an ICU doctor would wear—if ICU doctors had ready access to that sort of gear—and local media had a field day criticizing her.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
Mrs. Tung's misguided mission exemplifies the Hong Kong government's half-measured response to SARS. Medical staff are facing shortages of vital protective equipment even as more health-care workers are afflicted. Medical resources are stretched to the limit, but the government has been slow to consolidate the SARS patients scattered among more than 10 hospitals. "There is mismanagement within the Hospital Authority," says Dr. Lo Wing-lok, chairman of the Hong Kong Medical Association. It's not just a lack of hardware but also of will and common sense. Hong Kong authorities are screening airport passengers but have been slow to institute health checks along the busy border with Guangdong province. "This government is unwilling to take up matters with [Beijing]," says Allen Lee, a Hong Kong delegate to China's National People's Congress. "It's pathetic."
Hong Kongers are usually resigned to such incompetence. But last Friday, encouraged by the sacking of China's Health Minister and Beijing's mayor, legislator Albert Chan made a formal call for Tung's resignation. Whether or not Tung goes, his administration's credibility has already become a victim of SARS.
—Reported by Ilya Garger and Carmen Lee/Hong Kong
第四篇：
Will SARS Transform China's Chiefs?
Only if the Communist Party believes it needs to come clean to survive
By Perry Link
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
Why did the Chinese government want to cover up SARS? Who lied and why? Does the sacking of two high-level officials, Minister of Health Zhang Wenkang and Beijing's Mayor Meng Xuenong, mean that China is on the verge of liberalization?
The answers to these questions can be found in the way the Chinese leadership handles information. The Communist Party runs two different communication systems with very different missions. One system collects information and sends it up the bureaucratic hierarchy. This information is supposed to be—and often is—solid and "objective." But it is kept secret. The higher a person's position, the higher the quantity and quality of the information he receives. The other system channels information from the top down. This is the open, public information Party leaders have decided that people below them may—and in some cases should—know about. It might or might not be solid, but it should never harm the interests of the leaders.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
The two systems work in tandem, often with the same officials performing both functions. During the nationwide student demonstrations in 1989, New China News Agency reporters in all the provinces wrote detailed daily reports on local student activities and sent them to Beijing for the eyes of top leaders. The information was remarkably accurate; but hardly any of it went into the agency's bulletins that were sent back down the bureaucracy, which merely told the citizenry that "a small clique of hooligans was causing turmoil."
A bureaucrat in both systems might drag his feet in reporting bad news, because in Chinese culture local trouble, whatever its cause, is assumed to reflect poorly on local leaders. But his clear duty is always to report truthfully to those above and speak officially to those below. The by-product of the difference between the two systems is prevarication.
With SARS, as with earlier crises man-made (Tiananmen in 1989) or natural (the Tangshan earthquake of 1976) in China, the spread of information to the public underwent distinct stages. The first stage is cover-up. If that fails, the next is to say "the problem is small." If that becomes untenable, the last message is "everything is under control." Meanwhile, the flow of accurate information upward is never supposed to stop. We do not know when word of SARS first reached Beijing, but in late February the government's propaganda department ordered a halt to public reporting on the disease in order to "ensure the smoothness" of the National People's Congress meetings in March. Since then the Politburo has met three times about SARS. Party boss and President Hu Jintao has issued nine directives on the topic and Premier Wen Jiabao has released 29. Still, at a meeting of the Politburo's Standing Committee on April 17, Zhang Wenkang and Meng Xuenong were accused of failing to keep their superiors adequately informed. For that, they were made scapegoats.
But if the need for scapegoats is routine, the question of who should be purged is almost never so. Factionalism sometimes so dominates the decision making that dispatching a political opponent can become the main reason for the firing. Strategies and motivations for such maneuvers are usually kept private. It is hard to say, for example, whether the current shake-up will affect the balance of power between Hu and his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. Of the two positions at stake, mayor of Beijing is far more important politically than Minister of Health. Beijing mayors have been chosen with great care ever since Chairman Mao's day. If push comes to shove, administrative control of China's seat of power outweighs many other things, including public health. So who wins and who loses when Meng Xuenong is replaced by Wang Qishan? Meng is from the Communist Youth League organization, a base for Hu Jintao. Wang Qishan has recently been close to former Premier and economic reformer Zhu Rongji, but was also once favored by Chen Yun, a champion of central planning, and is the son-in-law of the late Yao Yilin, a conservative Party elder. It is not clear where Wang will stand on issues. Zhang Wenkang, the sacked Health Minister, was once Jiang Zemin's personal doctor and has been politically close to Jiang for a long time. But Jiang has so many other allies in the Politburo and military that this loss hardly seems to matter.
The process of the personnel shifts might be more significant than the shifts themselves. Apparently Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao made the decisions and then ushered them through the Politburo without consulting Jiang. Hu and Wen, who since last November have made some tentative moves toward press freedom, seem also to be using the admission of SARS patients into military hospitals to leverage more access to the military bureaucracies controlled by Jiang's group.
At the fringes, such efforts to skirt Jiang might do some good for liberalization in the mainland. Some China watchers have even speculated that SARS might be the country's Chernobyl—a traumatic event that forces a closed political system into more permanent openness. Such optimism is probably misplaced. Chernobyl inspired glasnost because Mikhail Gorbachev chose to see it as serving the Soviet Union's best interests. But for a decade now, Chinese leaders have been looking at the Gorbachev precedent and inferring exactly the opposite lesson: they believe Gorbachev made a fatal mistake by loosening up. True, some Chinese leaders secretly may be waiting for a chance to dismantle China's repressive system and thereby earn a glorious place in Chinese history. But there is currently no evidence of that.
On the contrary, the current generation of top leaders, educated Soviet-style in the 1950s and 1960s, and having traveled abroad less than even previous generations, are inured to the system in which they rose. It is the only system they truly understand, and control of information is its lifeblood. They are still unlikely to relinquish that control willingly.
Perry Link is professor of East Asian studies at Princeton University. His latest book is The Uses of Literature: Life in the Socialist Chinese Literary System
Will SARS Transform China's Chiefs?
Only if the Communist Party believes it needs to come clean to survive
By Perry Link
Posted Monday, April 28, 2003; 22:50 HKT
Why did the Chinese government want to cover up SARS? Who lied and why? Does the sacking of two high-level officials, Minister of Health Zhang Wenkang and Beijing's Mayor Meng Xuenong, mean that China is on the verge of liberalization?
The answers to these questions can be found in the way the Chinese leadership handles information. The Communist Party runs two different communication systems with very different missions. One system collects information and sends it up the bureaucratic hierarchy. This information is supposed to be—and often is—solid and "objective." But it is kept secret. The higher a person's position, the higher the quantity and quality of the information he receives. The other system channels information from the top down. This is the open, public information Party leaders have decided that people below them may—and in some cases should—know about. It might or might not be solid, but it should never harm the interests of the leaders.
Photo Essay: SARS Outbreak
The two systems work in tandem, often with the same officials performing both functions. During the nationwide student demonstrations in 1989, New China News Agency reporters in all the provinces wrote detailed daily reports on local student activities and sent them to Beijing for the eyes of top leaders. The information was remarkably accurate; but hardly any of it went into the agency's bulletins that were sent back down the bureaucracy, which merely told the citizenry that "a small clique of hooligans was causing turmoil."
A bureaucrat in both systems might drag his feet in reporting bad news, because in Chinese culture local trouble, whatever its cause, is assumed to reflect poorly on local leaders. But his clear duty is always to report truthfully to those above and speak officially to those below. The by-product of the difference between the two systems is prevarication.
With SARS, as with earlier crises man-made (Tiananmen in 1989) or natural (the Tangshan earthquake of 1976) in China, the spread of information to the public underwent distinct stages. The first stage is cover-up. If that fails, the next is to say "the problem is small." If that becomes untenable, the last message is "everything is under control." Meanwhile, the flow of accurate information upward is never supposed to stop. We do not know when word of SARS first reached Beijing, but in late February the government's propaganda department ordered a halt to public reporting on the disease in order to "ensure the smoothness" of the National People's Congress meetings in March. Since then the Politburo has met three times about SARS. Party boss and President Hu Jintao has issued nine directives on the topic and Premier Wen Jiabao has released 29. Still, at a meeting of the Politburo's Standing Committee on April 17, Zhang Wenkang and Meng Xuenong were accused of failing to keep their superiors adequately informed. For that, they were made scapegoats.
But if the need for scapegoats is routine, the question of who should be purged is almost never so. Factionalism sometimes so dominates the decision making that dispatching a political opponent can become the main reason for the firing. Strategies and motivations for such maneuvers are usually kept private. It is hard to say, for example, whether the current shake-up will affect the balance of power between Hu and his predecessor, Jiang Zemin. Of the two positions at stake, mayor of Beijing is far more important politically than Minister of Health. Beijing mayors have been chosen with great care ever since Chairman Mao's day. If push comes to shove, administrative control of China's seat of power outweighs many other things, including public health. So who wins and who loses when Meng Xuenong is replaced by Wang Qishan? Meng is from the Communist Youth League organization, a base for Hu Jintao. Wang Qishan has recently been close to former Premier and economic reformer Zhu Rongji, but was also once favored by Chen Yun, a champion of central planning, and is the son-in-law of the late Yao Yilin, a conservative Party elder. It is not clear where Wang will stand on issues. Zhang Wenkang, the sacked Health Minister, was once Jiang Zemin's personal doctor and has been politically close to Jiang for a long time. But Jiang has so many other allies in the Politburo and military that this loss hardly seems to matter.
The process of the personnel shifts might be more significant than the shifts themselves. Apparently Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao made the decisions and then ushered them through the Politburo without consulting Jiang. Hu and Wen, who since last November have made some tentative moves toward press freedom, seem also to be using the admission of SARS patients into military hospitals to leverage more access to the military bureaucracies controlled by Jiang's group.
At the fringes, such efforts to skirt Jiang might do some good for liberalization in the mainland. Some China watchers have even speculated that SARS might be the country's Chernobyl—a traumatic event that forces a closed political system into more permanent openness. Such optimism is probably misplaced. Chernobyl inspired glasnost because Mikhail Gorbachev chose to see it as serving the Soviet Union's best interests. But for a decade now, Chinese leaders have been looking at the Gorbachev precedent and inferring exactly the opposite lesson: they believe Gorbachev made a fatal mistake by loosening up. True, some Chinese leaders secretly may be waiting for a chance to dismantle China's repressive system and thereby earn a glorious place in Chinese history. But there is currently no evidence of that.
On the contrary, the current generation of top leaders, educated Soviet-style in the 1950s and 1960s, and having traveled abroad less than even previous generations, are inured to the system in which they rose. It is the only system they truly understand, and control of information is its lifeblood. They are still unlikely to relinquish that control willingly.
Perry Link is professor of East Asian studies at Princeton University. His latest book is The Uses of Literature: Life in the Socialist Chinese Literary System
为什么啊，回了3 遍都没上去。 再来一遍
我就不明白了，为什么一说美国有些人就不高兴。你们咋就知道那背后没有险恶的用心，美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣。报道非典的新闻图片多的是，非得用中国国旗啊。
我就不明白了，为什么一说美国有些人就不高兴。你们咋就知道那背后没有险恶的用心，美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣。报道非典的新闻图片多的是，非得用中国国旗啊。
据说现在在很多论坛,包括新浪,某些人大肆攻击中国的政治\经济\军事等,逢美比赞,逢中必反,并且注册多个ID,反复发贴,以给人造成人多势众的感觉.
仔细看看就知道,他们的观点基本上和方励之等人观点一致.
仔细看看就知道,他们的观点基本上和方励之等人观点一致.
我倒是一点都不觉得奇怪，因为我对美国人早就认识透了，他们本来就是这副德行，倒是那些仍然被美国所蒙蔽的哈美分子要清醒清醒了，不过，我想，该清醒的在这2年中也都清醒了，不清醒的那么也不要指望他会清醒了，这种人恨不得生在美国，你和他有什么好说的。
努力把自己的国家建设的更加强大吧，历史的规律是盛极而衰，美国不可能一直这么强大，我相信有一天我们中国人也可以很随意地去侮辱美国人的。
打倒美帝国主义！！！
努力把自己的国家建设的更加强大吧，历史的规律是盛极而衰，美国不可能一直这么强大，我相信有一天我们中国人也可以很随意地去侮辱美国人的。
打倒美帝国主义！！！
以下是引用冰山1949在2003-5-22 0:17:50的发言：正因为那图片不是我做的，所以我看不出什么背后的用心。那你怎么就知道那背后就有险恶的用心呢？图片也不是你做的啊。美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣，是因为美国没有中国那种报喜不报忧的习惯。报道非典的新闻图片有的是，不假。但报道中国的现状若用美国国旗的话，你那颗“中国心”还不得气得吐血？
那图片是你做的啊，你怎么就知道那背后就没有险恶的用心。美国一直对中国的负面报道感兴趣，报道非典的新闻图片有的是，非得用中国国旗啊。
以下是引用answer在2003-5-22 2:34:10的发言：
美国《时代》周刊叫咱们中国是《SARS NATION》（SARS国度），你说这很正常，不必在乎，那我问你 中国的杂志在封面上放一个套上避孕套的美国国旗，叫美国是爱滋病国度，你说美国人的心里感觉会怎么样呢？
追星族都能狂热，爱国就为什么不能狂热呢？？？当然我们要学会理智地看待问题，但是我们的某些人更需要学会自尊，自信和自强。。。。。。
中国的杂志在封面上放一个套上避孕套的美国国旗，叫美国是爱滋病国度，美国人根本不屑一顾。美国的报刊杂志上丑化美国总统的漫画、图片有多是，美丽坚的心胸大着呢，不会像咱一些中国人一样斤斤计较的。
正因为追星族是狂热，我们才应理智地对待。爱国的热情不可泯，但这种热情畸形发展到狂热时，就不足取了。丧失理智的情绪，会导致错误的行为。一个人如此，一个国家也一样。
以下是引用等风的旗在2003-5-22 7:40:07的发言：
如果楼上的猪是中国人，那它自己就看不起自己，还在这儿放什么屁~~
如果楼上的猪是中国人，那是我们祖国的悲哀~~在祖国的尊严受此大辱时，在这儿乱放臭屁~~丢中国人的脸
为什么中国人在世界上叫人看不起，对~~有一部分中国人是叫人看不起，就是像楼上这只猪的人才让人看不起，才会丢中国人的脸
如果楼上的猪不是中国人..
我非常看得起自己，因为我敢于正视自己。我一点不觉得祖国的悲哀，因为我懂得正视祖国。
为什么中国人在世界上叫人看不起，因为相当多的中国人只会漫骂。为数不少的中国人的粗野，令外国人想到了猪........
改改你们的说话方式，拿出你的道理，收起你的粗俗，我陪你辩。
以下是引用answer在2003-5-22 9:38:47的发言：
美国人有爱国精神，也有对黑人的种族歧视，世界上别的过家因为美国有爱国精神和种族歧视而看不起美国了吗？？？
让人看不起的是那些没有自尊且堕落的中国人
爱国主义并不是别人看不上你的原因，爱国主义也不是毛病，我们需要的是正确的引导，要把爱国主义变成中国人团结向上的凝聚力和精神支柱。
望而生畏比懦弱地乞求别人要好的多。。。。。。
谁说爱国主义是别人看不上你的原因啦？谁说爱国主义是毛病啦？
以下是引用ccqk在2003-5-22 21:06:53的发言：
努力把自己的国家建设的更加强大吧，历史的规律是盛极而衰，美国不可能一直这么强大，我相信有一天我们中国人也可以很随意地去侮辱美国人的。
看看吧，强国的目的是为了侮辱别国。就这副心态，还想赢得世界的尊重？
管风急，真正的中国人都不和美帝国主义辩，和你辩的还是给你的面子，看你是个人样。
如果露出尾巴，那么你将会被痛击打倒。
如果露出尾巴，那么你将会被痛击打倒。
以下是引用管风急在2003-5-23 0:30:17的发言：
中国的杂志在封面上放一个套上避孕套的美国国旗，叫美国是爱滋病国度，美国人根本不屑一顾。美国的报刊杂志上丑化美国总统的漫画、图片有多是，美丽坚的心胸大着呢，不会像咱一些中国人一样斤斤计较的。
正因为追星族是狂热，我们才应理智地对待。爱国的热情不可泯，但这种热情畸形发展到狂热时，就不足取了。丧失理智的情绪，会导致错误的行为。一个人如此，一个国家也一样。
[/quote]
对科索沃空袭之前，为了给动武提供口实，美国国务院宣布阿族人遭到“种族清洗”，“50万科索沃阿族人失踪”，“人们担心他们已经死了”，从而赢得了西方社会的舆论支持。战后的当年11月中旬，前南问题国际法庭对科索沃等地进行了实地勘察，才找到2108具尸体。
这说明，大规模屠杀的确存在，但远远被夸大了。而在北约空袭期间，南联盟约有1300多人遇难，有6000多人受伤，其中绝大部分是平民。
美国的空中“侠客”们，好像为了“人权保障”，就可以不断“误杀”无辜民众，而不受任何法律的约束和惩戒。
人们指责世界唯一的超级大国的道德虚伪，不是空穴来风。
在科索沃，被屠杀人数有2000余人。但是在卢旺达的种族灭绝中，被屠杀人数达百万人。在这个最需要人道主义干预的地方，美国人为什么按兵不动？
直接简单的回答是：卢旺达地处偏僻的中非，与美国的私利无关，与美国的霸业无关。
西方一些政治学家就曾批评美国政府没有及时干预卢旺达的种族冲突，以至于最终发生了种族大屠杀的悲剧，他们指出，如果美国派出哪怕只有五千人的部队进行干涉，则图西族人至少可以少死五十万。当然，克林顿总统事后为此做出的道歉值得关注。但美国人在遇事时经常是，私欲压倒公心。
美国人在战争中的道德记录历来不佳。早在二战中，在美国为世界反法西斯事业作出巨大贡献的同时，它的军队就对德国和日本无辜的平民进行毫不留情的空中绞杀，战后在朝鲜战场和越南战场，美国的空军都是恣意非为，导致数以百万计的普通人民死于非命。
在美国人的血脉里，还流着他们的祖先大英殖民帝国的丛林野性，刚刚被揭露的南韩老斤里屠杀，还有在越南战场发生的屠杀，就是例证。
在美国战后唯一一次同时拥有了合法性和正当性的海湾战争中，仍有十几万伊拉克人民被美军的空中打击夺去生命。
几十年来，同在伊拉克一样，美国空军在作战中，对平民百姓的目标完全不作规避，表现了非常可怕的冷血心态。
假如中美之间因为台湾问题发生常规战争，只要枪声一响，美军的轰炸机对中国大陆的平民百姓绝不会有丝毫的怜悯，发生在德国、日本、朝鲜、越南、伊拉克、南联盟身上的事，将同样会发生在中国人的身上。
假如你束手挨打，它可能会来一点精确打击，仅仅“误杀”一些平民。假如你正常反击，把它打痛了，它会毫不留情地对平民百姓实施大规模报复。
美利坚帝国在冷战期间干了不少坏事，它在道德上依然存在着极其严重的缺陷，与它自我吹嘘的仁慈帝国相距何其遥远。
这就是你所说的心胸大着的，不会像咱一些中国人一样斤斤计较的可爱的美国。。。。。
[em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04][em04]
到目前为止，我支持管风急。