转:《时代》周刊采访尼泊尔毛派游击队领导人普拉昌达
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《时代》周刊采访尼泊尔毛派游击队领导人普拉昌达 <br/>拿起枪的理由 [译] <br/>"We Are Trying to Crush Feudal Autocracy" <br/> “我们要摧毁封建专制” <br/> Interview with the Maoist leader <br/> 采访“毛派”领袖 <br/> 《时代》周刊以书面提问题的方式采访了尼泊尔“毛/派”领导人普拉昌达,普氏曾做过教师,以下是他的回答。花了约两个小时把这篇翻译出来,里面很多用词对我们曾经是那么的熟悉,而今已经生疏了,似乎真有恍如隔世的感觉,而这些都正在喜玛拉雅山国里发生着。普氏很少露面,照片就更少。 <br/>Maoist leader Prachanda declined to meet TIME, but agreed to his first interview with an independent journalist by writing a signed and dated letter in response to questions given by South Asia bureau chief Alex Perry to a go-between while in mountainous rebel territory in mid-western Nepal. Prachanda's reply did not reveal his location. <br/>毛/派领导人普拉昌达拒绝了《时代》周刊采访的要求,但同意通过一个独立的新闻记者,在游击队控制哪岵炊形鞑可角邮苣涎前旃抑魅蜛lex Perry的书面问题采访。 <br/>TIME: Where does your revolution stand at the moment? <br/>时代:目前你们的革/命处于何种状态? <br/>Prachanda: The great People's War has entered its last stage. When our party initiated the People's War in 1996, we had not a single modern weapon nor any trained armed groups, only an ideological, political and military line and a plan. In the plan, we defined three strategic stages: strategic defensive, strategic equilibrium and strategic offensive. We have a strong People's Liberation Army, we have liberated vast rural bases and are fast growing our political power in the rural areas of the country. We have confidence in the masses and in ultimate victory, although we cannot predict an exact time frame. We have already pushed the RNA [Royal Nepalese Army] into defensive positions and confined them to the capital, district headquarters and their barracks. Our strategy for this last stage will be to fuse urban insurrection to protracted People's War. <br/>普:伟大的人民战争已经进入它最后的阶段。当1996年,我们党发动人民战争时,我们几乎没有一件现代武器,也没有受过训练的队伍,只要一些意识形态的,政治的和军事的纲领和一个计划。我们确定了三个阶段:战略防御、战略相持和战略进攻。我们有强大的人民解放军,解放了大片的农村地区,而且正在全国的广大农村扩大我们的政治力量。虽然我们还不能预测准确的胜利时间表,但我们对人民大众有信心,会取得最终的胜利。 <br/>TIME: Do you think King Gyanendra made a tactical blunder in seizing power? Do you think he was at least right that the political parties had failed the people? <br/>时代:你是否认为贾南得拉国外在控权上犯了战术上的错误?你不认为他起码一点是正确的,即那些政党有负于人民? <br/>Prachanda: Right now, there is great political turmoil in Nepal. The remnant of medieval feudal autocracy, the infamous fratricidal and regicidal King Gyanendra, is desperately resorting to a last reign of terror [to suppress] the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people. I don't think the king was right because time and again [it has been] proved that it is the king's conspiracy to establish a feudal military dictatorship. [On the other hand], our party has every right to blame the parliamentary parties for their conciliatory approach to feudal autocracy. We represent the revolutionary alternative. We [are] leading the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist democratic struggle, trying our best to crush feudal autocracy. It's feudal autocracy versus people's democracy. And we believe the masses are the real makers of history [and] will never surrender to this kind of feudal autocracy. <br/>《时代》周刊采访尼泊尔毛派游击队领导人普拉昌达 <br/>拿起枪的理由 [译] <br/>"We Are Trying to Crush Feudal Autocracy" <br/> “我们要摧毁封建专制” <br/> Interview with the Maoist leader <br/> 采访“毛派”领袖 <br/> 《时代》周刊以书面提问题的方式采访了尼泊尔“毛/派”领导人普拉昌达,普氏曾做过教师,以下是他的回答。花了约两个小时把这篇翻译出来,里面很多用词对我们曾经是那么的熟悉,而今已经生疏了,似乎真有恍如隔世的感觉,而这些都正在喜玛拉雅山国里发生着。普氏很少露面,照片就更少。 <br/>Maoist leader Prachanda declined to meet TIME, but agreed to his first interview with an independent journalist by writing a signed and dated letter in response to questions given by South Asia bureau chief Alex Perry to a go-between while in mountainous rebel territory in mid-western Nepal. Prachanda's reply did not reveal his location. <br/>毛/派领导人普拉昌达拒绝了《时代》周刊采访的要求,但同意通过一个独立的新闻记者,在游击队控制哪岵炊形鞑可角邮苣涎前旃抑魅蜛lex Perry的书面问题采访。 <br/>TIME: Where does your revolution stand at the moment? <br/>时代:目前你们的革/命处于何种状态? <br/>Prachanda: The great People's War has entered its last stage. When our party initiated the People's War in 1996, we had not a single modern weapon nor any trained armed groups, only an ideological, political and military line and a plan. In the plan, we defined three strategic stages: strategic defensive, strategic equilibrium and strategic offensive. We have a strong People's Liberation Army, we have liberated vast rural bases and are fast growing our political power in the rural areas of the country. We have confidence in the masses and in ultimate victory, although we cannot predict an exact time frame. We have already pushed the RNA [Royal Nepalese Army] into defensive positions and confined them to the capital, district headquarters and their barracks. Our strategy for this last stage will be to fuse urban insurrection to protracted People's War. <br/>普:伟大的人民战争已经进入它最后的阶段。当1996年,我们党发动人民战争时,我们几乎没有一件现代武器,也没有受过训练的队伍,只要一些意识形态的,政治的和军事的纲领和一个计划。我们确定了三个阶段:战略防御、战略相持和战略进攻。我们有强大的人民解放军,解放了大片的农村地区,而且正在全国的广大农村扩大我们的政治力量。虽然我们还不能预测准确的胜利时间表,但我们对人民大众有信心,会取得最终的胜利。 <br/>TIME: Do you think King Gyanendra made a tactical blunder in seizing power? Do you think he was at least right that the political parties had failed the people? <br/>时代:你是否认为贾南得拉国外在控权上犯了战术上的错误?你不认为他起码一点是正确的,即那些政党有负于人民? <br/>Prachanda: Right now, there is great political turmoil in Nepal. The remnant of medieval feudal autocracy, the infamous fratricidal and regicidal King Gyanendra, is desperately resorting to a last reign of terror [to suppress] the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people. I don't think the king was right because time and again [it has been] proved that it is the king's conspiracy to establish a feudal military dictatorship. [On the other hand], our party has every right to blame the parliamentary parties for their conciliatory approach to feudal autocracy. We represent the revolutionary alternative. We [are] leading the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist democratic struggle, trying our best to crush feudal autocracy. It's feudal autocracy versus people's democracy. And we believe the masses are the real makers of history [and] will never surrender to this kind of feudal autocracy. <br/>
普:当前,尼泊尔是处在极大的政治混乱中。残余的中世纪封/建专/制者,声名狼藉的、杀兄弑君的国王贾南德拉,只能绝望地、黔驴技穷地诉诸于用恐怖手段镇/压尼泊尔人民对民主的热望。我不认为国王是正确的,因为一直以来的情况都证明,这些都是国王为建立封/建军事专/制的阴谋。(在另一方面),我们党也谴责那些议会政党对封/建专/制的调和式的态度。我们代表一种革命式的选择,我们领导的是一场反封/建、反帝制民/主的斗争,尽我们最大的努力推翻封/建专/制。这是封/建专/制与人民民/主的对抗。我们相信,只有人民群众才是历史的创造者,而且永远不会屈服于封/建专/制。 <br/>TIME: More people are going to die in this accelerated conflict, no? <br/>时代:会有更多的人死于这样的不断激烈的斗争,不是吗? <br/>Prachanda: The RNA will try to unleash a new reign of terror and violence against the masses, and will massacre the unarmed and innocent. Already RNA helicopters have started to bomb houses and unarmed people. But they will never be able to crush the growing resistance of the masses or the devastating blows of the People's Liberation Army, [which has] a plan to protect the masses through a series of attacks on the RNA's strategic points. In war, it is inevitable some people will die. We will try our best to minimize the people's sacrifice. <br/>普:皇家军队试图用新一轮的暴力、恐怖手段来对付群众,会屠杀手无寸铁的无辜者。他们的直升飞机已经开始轰炸房屋和手无寸铁的人民了。但这都不可能摧毁群众与日俱增的反抗以及人民解放军的摧枯拉朽的进攻风暴,我们的军队已经计划为保护群众要对皇家军队的战略要塞进行一系列的进攻。在战争中有人会死亡是不可避免的,我们会竭力把人民的牺牲减少到最小的程度。 <br/>TIME: Human rights groups accuse you and the RNA of brutality, torture and murder. What's your answer to such allegations, and your widely reported use of child soldiers? <br/>时代:一些人权组织对你和皇家军队提出了残暴、刑讯和谋杀的指责?你如何回答这样的申诉,还有说你们让很多孩子作战? <br/>Prachanda: We are fighting for the liberation of the masses, whereas the RNA is fighting against the masses. They cannot be compared. Thousands of disappearances, thousands of houses burned and looted, thousands of rapes, thousands of [cases of] torture and killing of the people: these are the open secrets of the RNA. At the same time, the PLA has captured hundreds and hundreds of RNA and police personnel, treated them humanely, respected them as prisoners of war and freed them. And we are very serious about the number of Nepalese people who have fled their home villages, even the country. We regularly appeal to people to return home and say we will take care of their security, and an increasing number of people who fled are returning. <br/>普:我们是在为人民的解放而战斗,皇家军队是反人民的。这两者不能相提并论。成千的人失踪,成千的房屋被焚毁和洗劫,成千的(妇女)被强暴,成千的人被刑讯和杀害,这些都是皇家军队对作的公开的秘密。而同时,人民解放军俘虏了成百上千的士兵和警察人员,很人道地对待他们,给他们战俘应有的尊重和并释放他们。我们非常认真地对待那些背井离乡,甚至流亡国外的尼泊尔人民。我们不断呼吁他们返回家乡,告诉他们我们会照顾他们的安全,现在返回的人数在增加。 <br/>Because we are at war, I can't rule out mistakes, but whenever we see them, we try to correct them. I want to appeal to democratic institutions and people all over the world not to be confused by the yellow propaganda of the RNA. The propaganda concerning the use of children in the People's Army is curious. We strictly do not allow those below the age of 18 to join. But one thing [that confuses] commentators is the thousands of orphans of our martyrs. Our party naturally undertakes the responsibility to feed, educate and train them so as to be good successors to their parents. We never use them in fighting, but we educate and discipline them as a children's organization. When we are taking care of poor children, how can one draw parallels with things like the Khmer Rouge? <br/>
因为我们还在作战,我不能避免不出错,但一旦我们发现错误会及时改正的。我恳求民/主机构和世界上所有的人民不要相信皇家军队那些卑鄙的宣传。关于让孩子参加战斗的宣传是奇怪的。我们严格限制18岁以下的人参加战斗。也许让那些评论者混淆的是,我们有成千的牺牲烈士留下的孤儿,我们党自然有义务来抚养他们,教育和训练他们成为他们父母优秀的接班人。我们不会让他们参战,而是教育以及训导他们作为青少年组织。当我们这样关怀贫苦儿童时,其他人怎么可以把我们和红色高棉作类比? <br/>TIME: To outsiders, the war in Nepal, between King and Communist army, seems like it belongs to an earlier time. Is Nepal still fighting the battles of the last century? <br/>时代:对于局外者,这场国王和共/产/党军队之间的战争好像是属于很久以前的时代。难道尼泊尔还在打上个世纪那样的战争吗? <br/>Prachanda: This is a very interesting question. First, our party neither represents dogmatism nor revisionism. We are trying to defend, apply and develop our [communist] science to the national and international situation. We are different to how outsiders imagine us: remaining firm in our ideological orientation, but very flexible. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a unified science of social revolution of the proletariat, developed through the earth-shaking struggle of the masses. Being a science it deserves continuous and consistent development. The "Prachanda Path" is the application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the condition of Nepal, and its enrichment also. Our People's War is a totally new 21st century war. Our party is not only fighting autocratic monarchy—so many countries have already finished this task over the last centuries—but also the evil of the imperialist world, the hypocrisy of so-called democracy that a superpower like the U.S. represents. Everybody knows that these so-called democratic countries don't support the democratic demands of the Nepalese people, but rather this hated feudal autocratic monarchy with huge military assistance. <br/>普:这是个很有意思的问题。首先,我们党既不代表教条主义也不代表修正主义。我们会根据国内、国际的形势来保卫、运用和发展我们的(共/产/主义)科学观。我们与局外人想象的我们是不同的:我们不拘泥于意识形态的方向,我们是灵活的。马克思-列宁-毛/泽/东主义是一种无产阶级社会革命的集成的科学,是从震撼世界的群众斗争中发展而来的。作为一种科学,它要不断地、持续地发展。“普拉昌达路线”是马克思-列宁-毛/泽/东主义根据尼泊尔的的条件的运用,也是对它的一种丰富。我们的人民战争是崭新的21世纪的战争。我们不只是在和专/制君主制斗争——很多国家在上个世纪就完成了这项任务了——我们还要和罪恶的帝国主义世界斗争,与伪善的所谓民/主制度如超级大国美国斗争。众所周知,这些所谓的民/主国家并不支持尼泊尔人民的民/主诉求,而是支持这个有着强大军事协助的令人憎恨的封/建专/制的君主制。 <br/>TIME: Do you truly believe your revolution will spread across the world? <br/>时代:你真的相信你的革命会开展到世界范围去吗? <br/>Prachanda: The imperialist world order makes a handful of rich richer and the vast majority inhumanly poorer. Developing sharp differences between the haves and the have-nots generates the basis for world revolution. Anybody can observe the growing global unrest at this world order. We deeply believe that what we are starting in Nepal is part of a worldwide 21st century revolution. <br/>
普:帝国主义的秩序创造出的是一小撮的富人和极大的过着非人道生活的穷苦人。有产者和无产者之间的巨大差距是世界革/命的产生的基础。每个人都可以看到,现在世界变得动荡不安。我们确信,我们在尼泊尔从事的革命是21世纪世界范围革命的一部分。 <br/>TIME: How important is party discipline and loyalty? Is there a danger of totalitarianism, or a cult of personality around you? <br/>时代:党的纪律和对它的忠诚有多重要?会否出现集/权主义,或是对你个人的崇拜? <br/>Prachanda: Our party seriously analyzes the lessons of history, particularly from the great revolutions and counterrevolutions of the 20th century. After thorough debate, we have put forward a new historic proposal called "the development of democracy in the 21st century" [which] guarantees the new state will be under the observation, control and hegemony of the general masses. There will be free competition among political parties, [provided they] oppose feudalism and imperialism and work for the service of the masses. We also propose the party should [divide]: one section will work among the masses and the other will handle the state work. After some time this division will rotate to check the party and state from the danger of bureaucratic capitalism and totalitarianism. Anyway, the main thing is we are trying to build a new type of party that continuously revolutionizes itself through constant ideological and class struggle. Beyond the necessity of centralizing leadership, there is no question of any cult of personality. We are trying our best to develop a system of collective leadership and a flow of successors. <br/><font color="#ff0000">普:我们党在很认真地吸取历史的教训,特别是发生在20世纪的那些伟大的革/命及反革/命。经过周密的论证,我们推进一个新的历史性的方案,我们称其为“发展21世纪的民/主”,来保证新的国家在人民群众的监查、控制和领导之下。政党只要是反帝、反封/建并为人民群众服务的,就可以自由地竞争。我们也打算让党分开来,一部分在群众中工作,另一部分处理国家的工作。一段时间后,他们会轮换,这样来防止官僚资本主义和集/权主义的危险。不管怎样,主要就是要建立起一个新形式的政党,使它可以不断地通过意识形态的、阶级的斗争来革新自己。在必要的集中领导体制之外,不会存在任何的个人崇拜。我们努力在发展集体领导体系及连续的接班人们出现。</font> <br/>TIME: Do you have support overseas? <br/>时代:你们有国外的支援吗? <br/>Prachanda: The international community should understand the feudal autocratic nature of the King and the democratic nature of the Maoists. China's current ruling class dreams of being the new superpower, which goes directly against the path charted by Mao Zedong. China fears the return of Mao in Nepal. But there are other forces who directly or indirectly support our proposal for U.N. or international mediation, and we have so many friends and institutions with whom we have regular contact, but for technical reasons, I am unable to disclose who they are. <br/>普:国际社会应该理解到国王封/建专/制的本质和我们毛/派民/主的本质。中国现在的领导阶层正梦想成为新的超级大国,这与毛/泽/东的路线完全不同了。中国对毛/派在尼泊尔的回归很担忧。但是有其他的来源直接或间接地支持我们对联合国提出的方案和国际调解,我们与很多的朋友和组织有着经常性的联络,但由于技术原因我不能说出他们的身份。 <br/>
<table width="72%" bgcolor="#ffffff" border="0"><tbody><tr><td class="f14" align="left" width="97%"><table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="87%" border="0" style="TABLE-LAYOUT: fixed; WORD-WRAP: break-word;"><tbody><tr><td class="gray14">TIME: How did you become what you are? What inspired you? <br/>时代:你是如何成为现在的你的?是什么启示了你? <br/>Prachanda: By class, I am from a poor peasant family. My parents left their home village in the mountains and settled in Chitwan, and once there our family upgraded itself to a middle-class peasant family. But from my very childhood I knew the meaning of poverty and inhuman exploitation. And because Chitwan was a newly settled district, where people from all over the country gathered, [I had] a chance to [meet] people of different classes, castes and cultural backgrounds. In high school, I came across communist ideology, then I was involved in student politics, and by the time I graduated, I was already communist. Thereafter I took part in all kinds of small and big struggles, and that led me to the situation where I am today. My vision of a perfect Nepal is a democratic new Nepal, free from the exploitation of feudalism, working for economic and cultural prosperity. Similarly a perfect world is free of imperialism and exploitation of men by men, in which humanity marches together towards infinite prosperity. <br/>普:从阶层上讲,我是出身于贫农家庭。我父母离开在山区的村庄,定居在奇旺,在那里我家逐渐成为了中农家庭。我从小就认识到了贫穷和非人的剥削。因为奇旺是新的社区,有从各地来的不同的人,我有机会接触不同阶层、不同种姓和文化背景的人。在高中时,我接触到共/产/主义的理念,参加学生的政治活动,在毕业时,我已经是共/产/主义者了,那之后,我参加了很多大大小小的斗争,一直到今天我的情况。我对完美尼泊尔的憧憬就是一个民/主的新尼泊尔,没有剥削和封建主义,为经济和文化的繁荣而工作。同样也希望完美的世界是个没有帝国主义,没有人对人的剥削,人类协同走向无尽繁荣。 <br/>TIME: Do you ever have doubts about what you're doing? Do you ever think what a different life might have been like? <br/>时代:你从来都没有对你在做的事产生动摇吗?没有想过,也许会有不同的生活吗? <br/>Prachanda: This war helped me to understand the enormous energy and the depth of feeling that the masses carry in their souls. I am proud of this understanding. I have never dreamt and will never dream of a life dissociated from the masses. No! I never have doubts about dedicating oneself to the noble cause of liberating the masses. I never worry about personal success or failure, but I have absolute confidence in the victory of the masses. I have no time, nor interests outside the party, the campaign and the masses. To sacrifice myself to change the world for the betterment of humanity, [to fight] against the evil system of exploitation of men by men, this is my first and last dream. <br/>普:这场战争让我对埋藏在群众灵魂深处的巨大能量和热情有了了解。我很自豪我有了这样的了解。我从来,也永远不会去梦想一种与人民群众脱离的生活。不!我从来没有动摇过,要为神圣的人们解放过程贡献自己。我从没担心过个人的成败,我绝对相信人民群众会胜利的。我没有时间、兴趣(考虑)党、运动和群众之外的事情。为改善人类生活、改变这个世界,反对万恶的人剥削人的制度而牺牲自己,是我最初和最终的梦想。 <br/>TIME: Why do you remain so hidden? <br/>时代:你为什么一直深藏不露? <br/>Prachanda: Due to some serious technical difficulties, I couldn't meet you face to face. I hope in the near future I will. But I am not so hidden from my people. I am open and in constant interaction with them. [Otherwise] how could I do my job in this life and death struggle? <br/>普:因为一些技术上的困难,我不能亲身与你会面。我希望将来可以。但我并没有从我的人民中消失。我一直与他们有持续的接触,否则的话,我如何完成我在这场殊死战斗中的工作? <br/></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr><tr><td height="17"></td></tr></tbody></table>
<p>用以往的革命观点来看,中国、越南简直是修正变质得无以复加无可挽回了,剩下的古巴、朝鲜也完全可以归类为修正主义最多也是麦其林而已</p>
<p>中国已经不是资本主义国家鸟!早已迈入资本主义初级阶段鸟!</p>
<p><font color="#ff0000">一部分在群众中工作,另一部分处理国家的工作</font></p><p><font color="#000000">_________</font></p><p>如果真正彻底全面地在群众中工作,就不担心会产生在野党。</p>
<p>中国现在就是发展资本主义,国家资本主义!</p><p>支持尼泊尔共产党(毛)的革命,打倒万恶的封建主义、资本主义、帝国主义!</p>
看着蛮好玩。。。又一个红色高棉。
<div class="quote"><b>以下是引用<i>长风91</i>在2006-4-27 10:01:00的发言:</b><br/><p>中国现在就是发展资本主义,国家资本主义!</p><p>支持尼泊尔共产党(毛)的革命,打倒万恶的封建主义、资本主义、帝国主义!</p></div><p></p>我要举报哦.让你被封掉[em01][em01][em01]
尼毛不是红色高棉,他们的主义他们的军队,就是——红军!!!
<p>支持红军</p>
半封建半资本主义的中国,已经是除了金钱外再也没甚么信念的了
<div class="quote"><b>以下是引用<i>长风91</i>在2006-4-27 10:01:00的发言:</b><br/><p>中国现在就是发展资本主义,国家资本主义!</p><p>支持尼泊尔共产党(毛)的革命,打倒万恶的封建主义、资本主义、帝国主义!</p></div>[em06][em06][em06][em06]
希望他们革命成功了,少肃点反(这都快成通病了),屏弃"老子打天下,老子就一定要坐天下."的封建思想,实行全国普选,各党各派竞争上岗.
<p>我觉得这是个英雄!现在的国王名不正言不顺!</p><p>各党各派竞争上岗--我对这个持保留意见!!人家在流血牺牲的时候,你们在干什么??人家得到了天下,打败了黑暗,你站出来了,你说这不民主,你不行,我们来当头!有这个道理吗?</p>
<div class="quote"><b>以下是引用<i>madeinchina</i>在2006-4-27 11:27:00的发言:</b><br/>半封建半资本主义的中国,已经是除了金钱外再也没甚么信念的了</div><p>還有什麽?現在搞到農民都沒有土地以後看看還能怎麽樣? </p><p>餓死了N多城市人,累死了NNN多農民以後,如果有偉人可以帶領中國雄起!!! </p><p>希望可以讓我知道</p>