徐增平 辽宁号

不知道大家能不能看到一楼的链子。
徐对没得到官方的认可颇有怨言，说小贺和小姬都已经不能给他作证了。
尽管如此，军方/特别是海军给予了他很高的待遇，图片作证。

2015-4-29 12:37 上传

http://www.scmp.com/news/china/d ... uy-aircraft-carrier

2015-4-30 07:37 上传

凡是派们上纲上线了。

那投个票吧，南斯拉夫事件前应不应该买航母？

好高的一家人

他儿子好像在美国大学也是打篮球的

徐增平可以买辽宁号
将来也可以卖掉中国不要的那些滑越航母
所以先建几条滑越航母玩玩也没有什么大不了

冷思 发表于 2015-4-29 08:17
徐增平可以买辽宁号
将来也可以卖掉中国不要的那些滑越航母
所以先建几条滑越航母玩玩也没有什么大不了 ...
中国如果卖航母的话，第一个肯定是给巴铁.....

为国家买航母的人，值得尊敬

也就是出个人打个掩护而已，钱是华夏证券的邵淳出的。为此朱镕基还大发雷霆查人。

大砍号的作训服都不一样啊，证件挂得那也是帅到飞起啊

lastlook 发表于 2015-4-29 08:46
中国如果卖航母的话，第一个肯定是给巴铁.....

送航母，以帮助建设和培训的名义换取外海基地

说明文官集团眼光很窄， 很短视
如果被他们阻挠成功， 到现在还看不到中国的航母
文官集团宁愿给洋人磕头，消消气，也不愿花钱建设自己的军队

西风起 发表于 2015-4-29 08:53
也就是出个人打个掩护而已，钱是华夏证券的邵淳出的。为此朱镕基还大发雷霆查人。

说明文官集团眼光很窄， 很短视
如果被他们阻挠成功， 到现在还看不到中国的航母
文官集团宁愿给洋人磕头，消消气，也不愿花钱建设自己的军队

徐居功至伟！！！

http://lt.cjdby.net/thread-461298-1-1.html
“瓦良格”的蹉跎岁月

精华 看1006555|回5478|收藏
che   2008-2-17 10:58

http://www.cjdby.net/junbeidongtai/2012-09-25/military-704.html
瓦良格的蹉跎岁月:重生

冷思 发表于 2015-4-29 08:17
徐增平可以买辽宁号
将来也可以卖掉中国不要的那些滑越航母
所以先建几条滑越航母玩玩也没有什么大不了 ...
造，我支持。但不能基于九流目的。
九千亿成本，九块钱卖掉？到时这又算谁的账？

老朱被很多人称为“清廉”。但国企行为中，他以上的造就了今日的不均；而航母行为更说明他们的远虑不足三尺。

不知道大家能不能看到一楼的链子。
徐对没得到官方的认可颇有怨言，说小贺和小姬都已经不能给他作证了。
尽管如此，军方/特别是海军给予了他很高的待遇，图片作证。

lastlook 发表于 2015-4-29 08:46
中国如果卖航母的话，第一个肯定是给巴铁.....
我擦  航母加上舰载机  巴铁买不起啊  

diver18 发表于 2015-4-29 11:02
造，我支持。但不能基于九流目的。
九千亿成本，九块钱卖掉？到时这又算谁的账？
严重附议                    

他老婆也是打篮球的吧？这一家好高啊！

人民是不会忘记徐增平的。

徐增平先生是在关键时刻，千载难逢的时机，为中国航母发展立下不朽功勋的英雄！！

造，我支持。但不能基于九流目的。
九千亿成本，九块钱卖掉？到时这又算谁的账？


清廉不是判断官员是否合格的标准。
百姓口碑更重要。

sschn 发表于 2015-4-29 13:00
清廉不是判断官员是否合格的标准。
百姓口碑更重要。
你的粉丝三千，大V们更甚。
你怎么样我不知道，但大V们曝光率十足。
选他/她们当官？估计他/她们的粉丝也要喷了。

西风起 发表于 2015-4-29 08:53
也就是出个人打个掩护而已，钱是华夏证券的邵淳出的。为此朱镕基还大发雷霆查人。
没错，最后是撤职查办的下场

你的粉丝三千，大V们更甚。
你怎么样我不知道，但大V们曝光率十足。
选他/她们当官？估计他/她们的粉丝 ...
是百姓。
与那些粉丝和炒作分子无关。

也就是出个人打个掩护而已，钱是华夏证券的邵淳出的。为此朱镕基还大发雷霆查人。
又在别有用心的造谣，污蔑了！

办公室的钱谁出的？滞港，拖带，人员安排谁出的钱？还有澳门办证的费用？

打掩护是这么好打的吗？

http://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/1779721/pla-brass-defied-beijing-over-plan-buy-aircraft-carrier

For nearly two decades it was one of China's best-kept secrets but now Hong Kong-based businessman Xu Zengping is breaking his silence and unmasking the PLA masterminds behind the purchase of what became the country's first aircraft carrier.

In an exclusive interview with the South China Morning Post, 63-year-old Xu, a former People's Liberation Army basketball player, revealed that the generals behind the deal were two top-ranking members of the Communist Party's "princeling" generation.

He said late deputy naval commander He Pengfei and Ji Shengde, the then-PLA intelligence chief who was working independently of the intelligence bureau at the time, were the backroom drivers of the covert deal to buy a 70 per cent-completed Kuznetsov-class Varyag carrier from Ukraine's Black Sea shipyard so that it could become the pride of the PLA fleet.

He, who held the rank of vice-admiral, is the only son of the legendary Long March marshal, He Long , a revolutionary hero to veterans like Xu and his peers on the mainland.
For nearly two decades it was one of China's best-kept secrets but now Hong Kong-based businessman Xu Zengping is breaking his silence and unmasking the PLA masterminds behind the purchase of what became the country's first aircraft carrier.

In an exclusive interview with the South China Morning Post, 63-year-old Xu, a former People's Liberation Army basketball player, revealed that the generals behind the deal were two top-ranking members of the Communist Party's "princeling" generation.

He said late deputy naval commander He Pengfei and Ji Shengde, the then-PLA intelligence chief who was working independently of the intelligence bureau at the time, were the backroom drivers of the covert deal to buy a 70 per cent-completed Kuznetsov-class Varyag carrier from Ukraine's Black Sea shipyard so that it could become the pride of the PLA fleet.

He, who held the rank of vice-admiral, is the only son of the legendary Long March marshal, He Long , a revolutionary hero to veterans like Xu and his peers on the mainland.

Ji is the son of Ji Pengfei, a former vice-premier and a chief drafter of Hong Kong's Basic Law in the 1980s.

He Pengfei died of a heart attack in 2001 at 56. Ji was given a suspended death sentence by a military court in 2000 for bribery and illegal fundraising.

The carrier plan hatched by one of the navy's top leaders was carried out in secret and in defiance of national policy at the time. Xu told the Post in January that then-president and Central Military Commission chairman Jiang Zemin had rejected calls to add such a warship to the navy out of concern that it could upset the United States.

That opposition lasted until May, 1999, when the US bombed - Washington said it was a mistake - the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.

Xu said He first approached him about the project in April 1996. Two Hong Kong tycoons had been asked to help with the deal but eventually decided against it and Xu came on board. Xu and He met at least six times over roughly a year before Xu finally agreed in March 1997 to be his proxy. They continued meeting regularly after that until late 1998.

Ji then came on board the project to coordinate operations behind the scenes, according to Xu. "Ji was the real boss behind the deal," Xu said. "He, Ji and several military officials had done a lot of preliminary work for the carrier deal because of their patriotism and strong ambitions for the military."

Xu said his contacts with the PLA's envoys were carried out in the greatest secrecy. "My passion for the project burned strongly and I felt like a spy working with my team involved in the deal," Xu said. "There were many times when we had to discuss details of [our plan] on a footpath or in a secluded area."

The Ukrainian government was also concerned about upsetting the Americans and so did not want to openly sell the carrier to the Chinese military. Xu's challenge, then, was to convince the shipyard that he wanted to turn the massive hulk into a floating casino.

Xu set up offices in Beijing and in the Ukrainian capital of Kiev in the first half of 1997 to coordinate the carrier bid. The Kiev office was staffed by shipbuilding experts from stated-owned China State Shipbuilding Corporation and the Commission on Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defence, who had to "work out how to meet the requirements from the Ukrainian government". Those experts were not working for the government at the time. "The Beijing office comprised a [ former] senior military official and my own staff to back up and give instructions to the experts in Ukraine," Xu said.

The experts had been among those sent by Beijing to Ukraine since 1992 to study the possibility of buying the Varyag. Xu said he had hired them after the State Council decided to abandon the carrier project.

The Beijing office was headed by Xiao Yun, a retired senior colonel who left his position as deputy head of the naval air force's armament department, to take up the new job, Xu said. Like He and Ji, Xiao is also a princeling; his late father, general Xiao Hua, was one of the Communist Party's revolutionary founders.

Zhong Jiafei, who was a senior colonel at the time and the project agency head of the CMC's Arms Trading Company, was the middleman between He and Xu. Zhong was the only witness to all of the meetings between Xu and He, Xu said.

The Arms Trading Company was set up on September 26, 1989, by then-CMC vice-chairman admiral Liu Huaqing , according to the website of the state-owned weapons maker China North Industries Group Corporation, which later took over ATC.

Liu, dubbed the father of China's navy, is well known for his belief that China should have an aircraft carrier. But Xu refused to say if Liu knew of the covert plan. Xu said He and Ji were the only backers and the CMC was not aware of the operation.

But what is known is that a company headed by the admiral's daughter was a major funding vehicle for the deal. In the 1990s, Liu's daughter, Helen Liu Chaoying , was a senior executive of state-owned China Aerospace International Holding Ltd (Casil), an offshoot of satellite developer China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation.

Hong Kong-listed Casil helped Xu put up the US$50 million the Ukrainian government required as a deposit in a first-class international bank. According to two interim Casil reports in 2007 and 2009, the company loaned HK$330 million in 1997 at 15 per cent annual interest for two years to Xu's firm in Hong Kong, Chinluck Properties.

Chinluck used a 41,800 square metre block of land on Peng Chau as collateral for the loan but relations between Casil and Chinluck apparently soured. In June 2004, Chinluck sued Casil, claiming Casil only loaned it HK$251 million. The two parties settled the suit in 2007. Xu said it took 14 years but he finally repaid the HK$251 million debt in June 2011 with interest, and regained ownership of the Peng Chau property.

A Casil spokesman refused to comment on the loan, saying the company now did not have any business with Xu. But a retired Shanghai colonel said Ji knew Casil's Liu, and when "Xu had financial problems in 1997, Ji asked Liu to help him. That's why Liu's Casil lent money to him".

Xiao Yun and Zhong, who retired as deputy head of the General Armaments Department's foreign affairs bureau in the late 2000s, could not be contacted for comment.

http://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/1779721/pla-brass-defied-beijing-over-plan-buy-aircraft-carrier

For nearly two decades it was one of China's best-kept secrets but now Hong Kong-based businessman Xu Zengping is breaking his silence and unmasking the PLA masterminds behind the purchase of what became the country's first aircraft carrier.

In an exclusive interview with the South China Morning Post, 63-year-old Xu, a former People's Liberation Army basketball player, revealed that the generals behind the deal were two top-ranking members of the Communist Party's "princeling" generation.

He said late deputy naval commander He Pengfei and Ji Shengde, the then-PLA intelligence chief who was working independently of the intelligence bureau at the time, were the backroom drivers of the covert deal to buy a 70 per cent-completed Kuznetsov-class Varyag carrier from Ukraine's Black Sea shipyard so that it could become the pride of the PLA fleet.

He, who held the rank of vice-admiral, is the only son of the legendary Long March marshal, He Long , a revolutionary hero to veterans like Xu and his peers on the mainland.
For nearly two decades it was one of China's best-kept secrets but now Hong Kong-based businessman Xu Zengping is breaking his silence and unmasking the PLA masterminds behind the purchase of what became the country's first aircraft carrier.

In an exclusive interview with the South China Morning Post, 63-year-old Xu, a former People's Liberation Army basketball player, revealed that the generals behind the deal were two top-ranking members of the Communist Party's "princeling" generation.

He said late deputy naval commander He Pengfei and Ji Shengde, the then-PLA intelligence chief who was working independently of the intelligence bureau at the time, were the backroom drivers of the covert deal to buy a 70 per cent-completed Kuznetsov-class Varyag carrier from Ukraine's Black Sea shipyard so that it could become the pride of the PLA fleet.

He, who held the rank of vice-admiral, is the only son of the legendary Long March marshal, He Long , a revolutionary hero to veterans like Xu and his peers on the mainland.

Ji is the son of Ji Pengfei, a former vice-premier and a chief drafter of Hong Kong's Basic Law in the 1980s.

He Pengfei died of a heart attack in 2001 at 56. Ji was given a suspended death sentence by a military court in 2000 for bribery and illegal fundraising.

The carrier plan hatched by one of the navy's top leaders was carried out in secret and in defiance of national policy at the time. Xu told the Post in January that then-president and Central Military Commission chairman Jiang Zemin had rejected calls to add such a warship to the navy out of concern that it could upset the United States.

That opposition lasted until May, 1999, when the US bombed - Washington said it was a mistake - the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia.

Xu said He first approached him about the project in April 1996. Two Hong Kong tycoons had been asked to help with the deal but eventually decided against it and Xu came on board. Xu and He met at least six times over roughly a year before Xu finally agreed in March 1997 to be his proxy. They continued meeting regularly after that until late 1998.

Ji then came on board the project to coordinate operations behind the scenes, according to Xu. "Ji was the real boss behind the deal," Xu said. "He, Ji and several military officials had done a lot of preliminary work for the carrier deal because of their patriotism and strong ambitions for the military."

Xu said his contacts with the PLA's envoys were carried out in the greatest secrecy. "My passion for the project burned strongly and I felt like a spy working with my team involved in the deal," Xu said. "There were many times when we had to discuss details of [our plan] on a footpath or in a secluded area."

The Ukrainian government was also concerned about upsetting the Americans and so did not want to openly sell the carrier to the Chinese military. Xu's challenge, then, was to convince the shipyard that he wanted to turn the massive hulk into a floating casino.

Xu set up offices in Beijing and in the Ukrainian capital of Kiev in the first half of 1997 to coordinate the carrier bid. The Kiev office was staffed by shipbuilding experts from stated-owned China State Shipbuilding Corporation and the Commission on Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defence, who had to "work out how to meet the requirements from the Ukrainian government". Those experts were not working for the government at the time. "The Beijing office comprised a [ former] senior military official and my own staff to back up and give instructions to the experts in Ukraine," Xu said.

The experts had been among those sent by Beijing to Ukraine since 1992 to study the possibility of buying the Varyag. Xu said he had hired them after the State Council decided to abandon the carrier project.

The Beijing office was headed by Xiao Yun, a retired senior colonel who left his position as deputy head of the naval air force's armament department, to take up the new job, Xu said. Like He and Ji, Xiao is also a princeling; his late father, general Xiao Hua, was one of the Communist Party's revolutionary founders.

Zhong Jiafei, who was a senior colonel at the time and the project agency head of the CMC's Arms Trading Company, was the middleman between He and Xu. Zhong was the only witness to all of the meetings between Xu and He, Xu said.

The Arms Trading Company was set up on September 26, 1989, by then-CMC vice-chairman admiral Liu Huaqing , according to the website of the state-owned weapons maker China North Industries Group Corporation, which later took over ATC.

Liu, dubbed the father of China's navy, is well known for his belief that China should have an aircraft carrier. But Xu refused to say if Liu knew of the covert plan. Xu said He and Ji were the only backers and the CMC was not aware of the operation.

But what is known is that a company headed by the admiral's daughter was a major funding vehicle for the deal. In the 1990s, Liu's daughter, Helen Liu Chaoying , was a senior executive of state-owned China Aerospace International Holding Ltd (Casil), an offshoot of satellite developer China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation.

Hong Kong-listed Casil helped Xu put up the US$50 million the Ukrainian government required as a deposit in a first-class international bank. According to two interim Casil reports in 2007 and 2009, the company loaned HK$330 million in 1997 at 15 per cent annual interest for two years to Xu's firm in Hong Kong, Chinluck Properties.

Chinluck used a 41,800 square metre block of land on Peng Chau as collateral for the loan but relations between Casil and Chinluck apparently soured. In June 2004, Chinluck sued Casil, claiming Casil only loaned it HK$251 million. The two parties settled the suit in 2007. Xu said it took 14 years but he finally repaid the HK$251 million debt in June 2011 with interest, and regained ownership of the Peng Chau property.

A Casil spokesman refused to comment on the loan, saying the company now did not have any business with Xu. But a retired Shanghai colonel said Ji knew Casil's Liu, and when "Xu had financial problems in 1997, Ji asked Liu to help him. That's why Liu's Casil lent money to him".

Xiao Yun and Zhong, who retired as deputy head of the General Armaments Department's foreign affairs bureau in the late 2000s, could not be contacted for comment.

不要在功臣死后再表彰。

http://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/1779703/unlucky-guy-tasked-buying-chinas-aircraft-carrier-xu
It was a stealth operation like no other in China - even the highest echelons of political power were kept in the dark.

The only sign, if anybody had been looking, emerged in April, 1997, just a few months before Hong Kong's return to China. It was then that Hong Kong-based businessman Xu Zengping, best known for owning a Palace of Versailles-style home on The Peak, opened an unassuming office in three rented suites of Beijing's Grand Hotel.

To the outside world, the sole purpose of the office, with its sweeping views of the Forbidden City, was to organise a stunt on the Yellow River to mark the handover.

But inside, Xu's staff were coordinating one of the biggest covert deals in the military's history - the mission to buy an unfinished Soviet aircraft carrier from Ukraine and deliver it to China.

Xu, a former captain of the Guangzhou Military Command basketball team, said he had been persuaded over the course of several talks to take on the challenge by the then-deputy commander of the PLA Navy, vice-admiral He Pengfei.

"He told me that it was a once-in-a-century opportunity for China to buy a new carrier," Xu told the South China Morning Post in an exclusive interview. Two other Hong Kong businessmen had turned down the request, leaving Xu as the only man standing.

"I was totally convinced and moved by him when he held my hand and said: 'Please do me a favour - go and buy [the carrier] and bring it back for our country and our army'."

Xu said the two met about a dozen times between April, 1996 and February, 1998. One of the most memorable meetings was on July 10, 1996, when, at He's invitation, Xu attended a parade in Qingdao in Shandong province to see off the North Sea Fleet on a trip to North Korea. It was one of the rare occasions that a civilian had been invited to such an event - all the more so because it was the fleet's first trip to North Korea.

After the ceremony, He asked Xu to stay on at the navy's Beihai Hotel for three days, using the time to try to convince the businessman to take on the task. On the last day, a naval plane sent He and Xu to Beijing and the two continued discussing plans for the carrier deal. That was when Xu said he would consider going to Ukraine to negotiate the purchase. Xu finally agreed in March, 1997 to broker the deal. The vice-admiral was present again in Guangzhou in late 1997 to bid Xu farewell on his mission.

"I promised He that I would take the carrier home at any cost because I really appreciated his patriotism. He was a responsible leader who devoted himself to China's long-term defence and maritime strategies, daring to take political risks for the right decision," Xu said.

At the time, Beijing was wary of antagonising the United States and had told the military to shelve its plans to build or acquire a carrier. Such an offensive vessel, it was thought, would send the wrong aggressive signal to Washington. A carrier was also an expensive proposition - one China could ill-afford.

So the whole project had to be conducted in secrecy, with Xu acting as a proxy for He and pretending to buy the ship to set up a floating casino in Macau.

According to Xu, the navy had been hard at work in preparation since the cash-strapped Ukrainian Black Sea Shipyard announced in 1992 that it would sell the Varyag. In the new post-cold war order, the shipyard needed money and the aircraft carrier was its biggest floating asset.

China had already bought and refitted a 37,000-tonne refuelling ship from the former Soviet supplier; today the "Qinghai Lake" vessel is part of the nation's anti-piracy mission in the Gulf of Aden.

To hold up his end of the bargain, Xu sold his coveted home on The Peak, mortgaged a plot of land on Peng Chau and took loans from business partners. It wasn't easy - this was at the height of the Asian financial crisis - but he summoned enough cash to open two offices for the deal, one in Beijing and another in Kiev. "I rented three business suites in the Grand Hotel in early 1997 and made it our Beijing office … We set up another company in Kiev and a dozen shipbuilding and naval experts were sent there to work to negotiate with the Ukrainian authorities," he said.

The Beijing office stayed open for 18 months and was shut down the moment Xu signed the carrier deal contract with the Ukrainian authorities in March, 1998. The Kiev operation continued until the carrier left the Black Sea Shipyard in July, 1999, Xu said. "I paid all the operating costs of the two offices," Xu said.

In 1998, then-premier Zhu Rongji formally rejected the carrier project, according to China's Carrier, a book published by China Development Press, and Xu said that the central government's lack of support meant the navy could not refund him.

Xu claimed he spent at least US$120 million of his own money on the deal between 1996 and 1999, covering costs that included running the two offices, the US$20 million auction price for the carrier, towage fees, overdue payments and port fees.

Whatever the personal and financial price, buying the ready-made carrier may have helped save China at least 15 years of scientific research, one mainland naval expert said.

Xu has had no official recognition of his contribution and state media have never clarified his link with the carrier. It is still unclear how the only person to sign the contract with the Ukrainian authorities handed the ship over to the Chinese government.

Two of the military officials at the centre of the covert operation cannot say: vice-admiral He died in 2001, a year before the carrier arrived in China, and another key player, former PLA intelligence chief Ji Shengde, who also worked with Xu behind the scenes, was jailed for life on corruption charges by a military court in 2000.

And Xu certainly won't say. He told the Post in an earlier interview that he "didn't sell the ship to either the government or the military".

Asked if the carrier was a gift to the navy, Xu answered: "Did you see any presentation ceremony for the carrier? I can tell you that it never happened. I can only say that I was an unlucky guy because … key senior military officials involved in the deal are either dead or in jail," Xu said.

Despite the lack of official recognition, Xu is well regarded among the top ranks of the navy. On August 10, 2013, a year after the refitted carrier went into service as the Liaoning, Xu and his family were welcomed aboard the vessel by the two men at its helm, Captain Zhang Zheng and political commissar Mei Wen.

On the backroom role of Ji, Xu said he was the "real boss" who gave his stamp of approval on the deal. Xu said that when he set up a Beijing office to oversee the deal, it was Ji who agreed to Xiao Yun , then deputy head of the naval air force's armament department, heading the office. Xiao retired from the military to take on the new job.

Zhong Jiafei, a former project agency head of the Central Military Commission's Arms Trading Company, was the middleman between He and Xu. "The roles of Xiao and Zhong were arranged by me, and Ji personally endorsed my planning and gave me a lot of support and professional advice," Xu said.

Macau-based military observer Antony Wong Dong said Xu was one of the navy's unsung heroes. "It seems like the navy sent Xu's contributions up in flames after the death of He and Ji's incarceration. Besides He and Ji, no one is qualified to testify to his efforts in the carrier deal," Wong said. "Many unsung heroes lost their lives during the carrier's refit and trials. Xu is just one of the casualties of the carrier project's rough ride over the past four decades, thanks to the PLA's lack of transparency."



Key dates in secret deal for China's aircraft carrier

March, 1992 - Navy sends a delegation to Ukraine's Black Sea Shipyard

November 6, 1992 - Navy buys a half-finished 37,000-tonne refuelling ship from Ukraine. The ship is designed to be a supply vessel for a Soviet aircraft carrier

1993 to 1995 - Carrier project on hold due to the central leadership's opposition

April, 1996 - Vice-admiral He Pengfei approaches Xu Zengping

March, 1997 - Xu decides to take up the mission

April, 1997 - Sets up an office in Beijing

June, 1997 - Sets up an office in Kiev

August, 1997- Sets up a Macau shell company as part of the "floating casino" cover plan

October, 1997 - He flies to Ukraine for talks

December, 1997 - Xu pays HK$6 million to the Macau authorities for casino documents

February 1, 1998 - He flies to Kiev again with the documents, US$2 million in cash and dozens of bottles of Chinese liquor

March 19, 1998 - Xu wins the bid for the carrier with a US$20 million offer

March 20, 1998 - Carrier's blueprints, weighing 40 tonnes, are sent overland to Beijing

Late March, 1998 - Xu shuts down his Beijing office

July, 1999 - Carrier begins its journey from the Black Sea to China

Late 1999 - Xu closes his office in Kiev

March 3, 2002 - Ship arrives in Dalian, Liaoning

文中所述，中国国营的在香港的国际航空股份公司为徐提供贷款3亿多港币（5千万美元）做为购买乌克兰航母所需的在世界一级银行中的存款，年利息竟高达15%, 最后实际是支付2亿多港币。

后来徐是连带高额利息都还清了，这就是所谓的支持！

西风起 发表于 2015-4-29 08:53
也就是出个人打个掩护而已，钱是华夏证券的邵淳出的。为此朱镕基还大发雷霆查人。

文中所述，中国国营的在香港的国际航空股份公司为徐提供贷款3亿多港币（5千万美元）做为购买乌克兰航母所需的在世界一级银行中的存款，年利息竟高达15%, 最后实际是支付2亿多港币。

后来徐是连带高额利息都还清了，这就是所谓的支持！

这两篇英文写的内容，和这些帖子里写的相当不一样。

徐增平无法证实刘华清是否指导了这件事，这件事情的主导者就是两个：贺鹏飞和姬德胜。姬德胜是真正的领导，购买航母这件事是被当时的国家主席和总理否定的，是贺鹏飞，姬德胜和徐私下自己搞的。当时还求了另为两位香港富豪帮助，被拒绝，最后只剩下徐增平接手。

而国家一直没有承认徐的功绩。这个事情的两个负责人，一个过世，一个入监。都无法为徐增平作证。所以他的故事被人遗忘。这次是接受香港南华早报的专访透露出的。与网上流传的说法相当不一样！

碧落黄泉 发表于 2015-4-29 09:16
http://lt.cjdby.net/thread-461298-1-1.html
“瓦良格”的蹉跎岁月

这两篇英文写的内容，和这些帖子里写的相当不一样。

徐增平无法证实刘华清是否指导了这件事，这件事情的主导者就是两个：贺鹏飞和姬德胜。姬德胜是真正的领导，购买航母这件事是被当时的国家主席和总理否定的，是贺鹏飞，姬德胜和徐私下自己搞的。当时还求了另为两位香港富豪帮助，被拒绝，最后只剩下徐增平接手。

而国家一直没有承认徐的功绩。这个事情的两个负责人，一个过世，一个入监。都无法为徐增平作证。所以他的故事被人遗忘。这次是接受香港南华早报的专访透露出的。与网上流传的说法相当不一样！

冷思 发表于 2015-4-29 08:17
徐增平可以买辽宁号
将来也可以卖掉中国不要的那些滑越航母
所以先建几条滑越航母玩玩也没有什么大不了 ...
对滑越航母的憎恨可见一斑
不过，辽宁号退役基本是30年之后的事情了
你慢慢等

cf海丝带 发表于 2015-4-29 19:44
对滑越航母的憎恨可见一斑
不过，辽宁号退役基本是30年之后的事情了
你慢慢等
也未必， 等弹射的成熟了就可以卖华越的了
我不是憎恨滑越， 只是看到海版天天在争论001a 是不是华越的问题
我就点拨一下他们，这个问题不用太紧张， 仅此而已
这都看不出来， 你的理解能力也很有限

buzzlightyear 发表于 2015-4-29 11:21
我擦  航母加上舰载机  巴铁买不起啊
不止是买不起的问题，就算中国把辽宁号白送给巴铁，巴铁也养不起这个大家伙。

skingyuan 发表于 2015-4-29 20:07
不止是买不起的问题，就算中国把辽宁号白送给巴铁，巴铁也养不起这个大家伙。
现在买不起，不等于以后买不起啊，再说，中国卖航母这种事情，肯定是几十年以后才可能的，那时候，小巴没准儿经济变好了呢

冷思 发表于 2015-4-29 20:01
也未必， 等弹射的成熟了就可以卖华越的了
我不是憎恨滑越， 只是看到海版天天在争论001a 是不是华越的 ...
我也觉得滑跃的以后条件允许肯定会卖掉的

长弓骑士 发表于 2015-4-29 18:47
不要在功臣死后再表彰。
貌似从古至今都这样。。。。

终于看到当年买下的“废铁”如今成为了国之重器，这是对于当事者曾经的那些苦难最好的慰藉！