超级军网2014基辛格《世界秩序》中关于亚洲秩序的描述
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/28 21:25:40
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-335111-1-1.html
Henry Kissinger
World Order
Chapter5: The Multiplicity of Asia
Whatis an Asian Regional Order?
什么是亚洲秩序？
Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,until the earlytwentieth century, able to preserve the balance through its insular positionand naval supremacy.Occasionally, European powers enlisted outside countries tostrengthen their positions temporarily-for example, France courting the OttomanEmpire in the sixteenth century or Britains early-twentieth-century alliancewith Japan –but non-Western powers,other than occasional surges from the MiddleEast or North Africa, had few interests in Europe and were not called on tointervene in European conflicts.
欧洲秩序是历史上独立发展起来的。直到20世纪前半叶，英国因为孤悬的岛屿位置和世界上最强大的海军保持了与欧洲的平衡。有时，欧洲国家为增强自己的力量与域外国家暂时结盟——比如，16世纪的法国和奥斯曼帝国，20世纪初期的英国和日本——但是与在中东和北非的风起云涌不同，非西方国家在欧洲几乎没有利益而且从来没有介入欧洲战争。
Bycontrast, the contemporary Asian order includes outside powers as an integralfeature: the United States, whose role as an Asia-Pacific power was explicitlyaffirmed in joint statements by U.S. President Barack Obama and ChinesePresident Hu Jintao in January 2011, and Chinese President Xi Jinping in June2013; and Russia, geographically an Asian power and participant in Asiangroupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,even if ovethree-quarters of its population lives in the European portion of Russianterritory.
相比起来，域外力量的介入一直是当代亚洲秩序的重要部分：2011年1月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Hu的联合声明，2013年6月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Xi的联合声明都清楚的确认了美国是亚太国家。而俄罗斯，即使他超过3/4的人口都居住在欧洲部分，他在地理上也是亚洲国家，还参加了亚洲组织，例如上海合作组织。
TheUnited States in modern times has occasionally been invited to act as abalancer of power.In the Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905,it mediated the warbetween Russia and Japan;in World War 2,it defeated Japans quest for Asianhegemony. The United States played a comparable Asian role during the Cold Warwhen it sought to balance the Soviet Union through a network of alliancesstretching from Pakistan to the Philippines.
现代以来，美国偶尔被邀请扮演平衡角色，在1905年的朴次茅斯和约中调停了俄国和日本的战争；在第二次世界大战，美国打败了寻求亚洲霸权的日本。美国在冷战时相当程度上扮演了亚洲国家，他建立了一个从巴基斯坦到菲律宾的联盟平衡了苏联的影响。
The evolving Asian structure will have to take into account a plethora of statesnot dealt with in the preceding pages. Indonesia, anchoring Southeast Asiawhile affirming an Islamic orientation,plays an increasingly influential roleand has thus far managed a delicate balancing act between China, the UnitedStates, and the Muslim world. With Japan,Russia, and China as nerghbors, theRepublic of Korea has achieved a vibrant democracy bolstered by a globallycompetitive economy, including leadership in strategic industries such astelecommunications and shipbuilding. Many Asian countries-including China-viewNorth Koreas policies as destabilizing but regard a collapse of North Korea asa greater danger.South Korea on its part will have to deal with increasingdomestic pressures for unification.
正在发展的亚洲机构将必须考虑很多过去没接触过的国家。印度尼西亚，一个东南亚的穆斯林国家，正在扮演越来越重要的角色，很大程度上维持着和中国、美国、穆斯林世界之间微妙的平衡。韩国，日本、俄罗斯和中国共同的邻居，是一个在全球有竞争力的经济体，在战略行业（比如电信和造船工业）中位于国际领先位置，受此激励他的国内民主制度正在蓬勃发展。北朝鲜被很多亚洲国家，包括中国，看成是不稳定的因素，但是，这些国家同时也认为北朝鲜的崩溃是个巨大的灾难。而对南朝鲜来说，他将不得不面对国内越来越大的统一压力。
In theface of Asias vast scale and the scope of its diversity, its nations havefashioned a dazzling array of multilateral groupings and bilateralmechanisms.In contrast to the European Union,NATO,and the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe, these institutions deal with security andeconomic issues on a case-by-case basis, not as an expression of formal rulesof regional order . Some of the key groupings include the United States, andsome, including economic ones, are Asian only, of which the most elaborated andsignificant is ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The coreprinciple is to welcome those nations most directly involved with the issues athand.
因为亚洲大陆的巨大和多样，亚洲国家流行建立一系列让人眼花缭乱的多边组织和双边机制。与亚洲形成对比的是欧盟，北约和欧洲安全与合作组织是欧盟处理具体安全和经济问题的基础，而不是一个形式上的地区秩序准则。一些核心组织包括美国，一些只有亚洲经济体参与的，其中最重要和复杂的就是东盟（东南亚国家联盟）。核心原则是欢迎身边所有直接参与问题的国家。
Butdoes all this amount to an Asian system of order?In Europes equilibrium, theinterests of the main parties were comparable, if not congruent ,A balance ofpower could be developed not only inpractice-as is inevitable in the absence of hegemony-but as a system oflegitimac that facilitated decisions and moderated policies. Such a congruencedoes not exist in Asia, as is shown by the priorities the major countries haveassigned to themselves.While India appears mostly concerned with China as apeer competitor, in large measure a legacy of the 1962 border war, China seesits peer rivals in Japan and the United States. India has devoted fewermilitary resources to China than to Pakistan, which, if not a peeer competitor,has been a strategic preoccupation for New Delhi.
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
但是这些能称为亚洲的秩序么？在欧洲的平衡中，主要国家的利益如果不能说完全一致的话也是类似的。力量的平衡不是只可以在实践过程中慢慢发展，以现在的情形来说，缺乏领导是不可避免的了，但是，还可以建立一个合法的体系来促进产生共识和调节各方政策。但是各方并没有就此达成一致，表现在各主要国家都优先关注自己的利益。印度主要把中国看成是平等的竞争对手，很大原因是1962年边境战争的结果，中国则把日本和美国看成平等的竞争对手。印度的军事资源相比投向中国更多的投向了巴基斯坦，一个不平等的竞争对手却占据了新德里全部的战略注意。
Theamorphous nature of Asian groupings is partly because geography has dectated asharp dividing line between East Asia and South Asia throughouthistory.Cultural, philosophical, and religious influences have transcended thegeographic dividing lines, and Hindu and Confucian concepts of governance havecoexisted in Southeast Asia. But the mountain and jungle barriers were too impenetrableto permit military interaction between the great empires of East Asia and SouthAsia until the twentieth century. The Mongols and their successors entered theIndian subconinent from Central Asia, not through the Himalayan hign passes,andthey failed to reach the southern parts of India. The various regions of Asiahave geopolitically and historically pursued distinct courses.
亚洲组织的不确定性部分是由于地形使东亚和南亚在历史上被一条线很明显地分开。文化、哲学、宗教的影响可以跨越这条地理上的分割线，印度教和儒教在东南亚同时存在；但是在20世纪以前，高山和丛林却足以阻碍东亚和南亚两个伟大帝国的军事力量相互接触。蒙古和他的继承者虽然从中亚进入印度次大陆，不是越过喜马拉雅山过去，但是他们也没能到达印度的南部。亚洲各个地区在历史和地缘政治上都不一样。
Theregional orders constructed during these periods include none based onWestphalian premises.Where the European order embraced an equilibrium ofterritorially defined “sovereign states” recognizing each others legal equality, traditional Asian political powers operated by more ambiguous criteria. Untilwell into the modern era, an “inner Asian” world influenced by Mongol Empire,Russia, and Islam coexisted with a Chinese imperial tribute system; the latterreached outward to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia, which entertained Chinasclaims of universality even as they practiced a form of statecraft deeplyinfluenced by Hindu principles received from India that posited a form ofdivinity for monarchs.
在这些时期，地区秩序的构建没有受到 过威斯特伐利亚体系的影响。欧洲秩序是建立在一群地区领主的平衡上的，他们都承认彼此平等的合法地位；而亚洲的传统政治建立在更加模糊的标准上。直到进入现代前，真正的亚洲是蒙古帝国、俄国、伊斯兰和一个中华帝国的朝贡体系共存的世界；后者向外扩展到东南亚诸国，虽然治国方法深受印度教影响同样假设国王有神性，但东南亚诸国还是接受了中国建立的世界体系。
Nowthese legacies are meeting, and there is far from a consensus among the variouscountries about the meaning of the journey they have taken or its lessons fortwenty-first-century world order. Under contemporary conditions, essentiallytwo balances of power are emerging:on in South Asia, the other in East Asia.Neither possesses the characteristic integral to the European balance of power:a balancer,a country capable of establishing an equilibrium by shifting itsweight to the weaker side. The United States(after its withdrawal fromAfghanistan) has refrained from treating the contemporary internal South Asianbalance primarily as a military problem. But it will have to be active in thediplomacy over reestablishing a regional order lest a vacuum is created, whichwould inevitably draw all surrounding countries into a regional confrontation.
现在，所有的历史遗产都相遇了，而且所有国家对在历史上经历的和学到的东西对建立21世纪世界秩序的意义没有达成共识。在当代，出现了两个关键的平衡力量，一个在南亚，一个在东亚。两个都不具有欧洲平衡力量那样作为整体的一部分的特点：做一个平衡者，一个国家可以通过和弱的一边站在一起来建立平衡。美国（从阿富汗撤军后）克制了自己，没有将当时的南亚内在平衡过程当成军事问题对待。但是他不得不在重建地区秩序上做积极的外交动作，以免出现真空地带，这将会不可避免的把周围国家卷入地区对抗中。原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-335111-1-1.html
Henry Kissinger
World Order
Chapter5: The Multiplicity of Asia
Whatis an Asian Regional Order?
什么是亚洲秩序？
Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,until the earlytwentieth century, able to preserve the balance through its insular positionand naval supremacy.Occasionally, European powers enlisted outside countries tostrengthen their positions temporarily-for example, France courting the OttomanEmpire in the sixteenth century or Britains early-twentieth-century alliancewith Japan –but non-Western powers,other than occasional surges from the MiddleEast or North Africa, had few interests in Europe and were not called on tointervene in European conflicts.
欧洲秩序是历史上独立发展起来的。直到20世纪前半叶，英国因为孤悬的岛屿位置和世界上最强大的海军保持了与欧洲的平衡。有时，欧洲国家为增强自己的力量与域外国家暂时结盟——比如，16世纪的法国和奥斯曼帝国，20世纪初期的英国和日本——但是与在中东和北非的风起云涌不同，非西方国家在欧洲几乎没有利益而且从来没有介入欧洲战争。
Bycontrast, the contemporary Asian order includes outside powers as an integralfeature: the United States, whose role as an Asia-Pacific power was explicitlyaffirmed in joint statements by U.S. President Barack Obama and ChinesePresident Hu Jintao in January 2011, and Chinese President Xi Jinping in June2013; and Russia, geographically an Asian power and participant in Asiangroupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,even if ovethree-quarters of its population lives in the European portion of Russianterritory.
相比起来，域外力量的介入一直是当代亚洲秩序的重要部分：2011年1月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Hu的联合声明，2013年6月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Xi的联合声明都清楚的确认了美国是亚太国家。而俄罗斯，即使他超过3/4的人口都居住在欧洲部分，他在地理上也是亚洲国家，还参加了亚洲组织，例如上海合作组织。
TheUnited States in modern times has occasionally been invited to act as abalancer of power.In the Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905,it mediated the warbetween Russia and Japan;in World War 2,it defeated Japans quest for Asianhegemony. The United States played a comparable Asian role during the Cold Warwhen it sought to balance the Soviet Union through a network of alliancesstretching from Pakistan to the Philippines.
现代以来，美国偶尔被邀请扮演平衡角色，在1905年的朴次茅斯和约中调停了俄国和日本的战争；在第二次世界大战，美国打败了寻求亚洲霸权的日本。美国在冷战时相当程度上扮演了亚洲国家，他建立了一个从巴基斯坦到菲律宾的联盟平衡了苏联的影响。
The evolving Asian structure will have to take into account a plethora of statesnot dealt with in the preceding pages. Indonesia, anchoring Southeast Asiawhile affirming an Islamic orientation,plays an increasingly influential roleand has thus far managed a delicate balancing act between China, the UnitedStates, and the Muslim world. With Japan,Russia, and China as nerghbors, theRepublic of Korea has achieved a vibrant democracy bolstered by a globallycompetitive economy, including leadership in strategic industries such astelecommunications and shipbuilding. Many Asian countries-including China-viewNorth Koreas policies as destabilizing but regard a collapse of North Korea asa greater danger.South Korea on its part will have to deal with increasingdomestic pressures for unification.
正在发展的亚洲机构将必须考虑很多过去没接触过的国家。印度尼西亚，一个东南亚的穆斯林国家，正在扮演越来越重要的角色，很大程度上维持着和中国、美国、穆斯林世界之间微妙的平衡。韩国，日本、俄罗斯和中国共同的邻居，是一个在全球有竞争力的经济体，在战略行业（比如电信和造船工业）中位于国际领先位置，受此激励他的国内民主制度正在蓬勃发展。北朝鲜被很多亚洲国家，包括中国，看成是不稳定的因素，但是，这些国家同时也认为北朝鲜的崩溃是个巨大的灾难。而对南朝鲜来说，他将不得不面对国内越来越大的统一压力。
In theface of Asias vast scale and the scope of its diversity, its nations havefashioned a dazzling array of multilateral groupings and bilateralmechanisms.In contrast to the European Union,NATO,and the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe, these institutions deal with security andeconomic issues on a case-by-case basis, not as an expression of formal rulesof regional order . Some of the key groupings include the United States, andsome, including economic ones, are Asian only, of which the most elaborated andsignificant is ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The coreprinciple is to welcome those nations most directly involved with the issues athand.
因为亚洲大陆的巨大和多样，亚洲国家流行建立一系列让人眼花缭乱的多边组织和双边机制。与亚洲形成对比的是欧盟，北约和欧洲安全与合作组织是欧盟处理具体安全和经济问题的基础，而不是一个形式上的地区秩序准则。一些核心组织包括美国，一些只有亚洲经济体参与的，其中最重要和复杂的就是东盟（东南亚国家联盟）。核心原则是欢迎身边所有直接参与问题的国家。
Butdoes all this amount to an Asian system of order?In Europes equilibrium, theinterests of the main parties were comparable, if not congruent ,A balance ofpower could be developed not only inpractice-as is inevitable in the absence of hegemony-but as a system oflegitimac that facilitated decisions and moderated policies. Such a congruencedoes not exist in Asia, as is shown by the priorities the major countries haveassigned to themselves.While India appears mostly concerned with China as apeer competitor, in large measure a legacy of the 1962 border war, China seesits peer rivals in Japan and the United States. India has devoted fewermilitary resources to China than to Pakistan, which, if not a peeer competitor,has been a strategic preoccupation for New Delhi.
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
但是这些能称为亚洲的秩序么？在欧洲的平衡中，主要国家的利益如果不能说完全一致的话也是类似的。力量的平衡不是只可以在实践过程中慢慢发展，以现在的情形来说，缺乏领导是不可避免的了，但是，还可以建立一个合法的体系来促进产生共识和调节各方政策。但是各方并没有就此达成一致，表现在各主要国家都优先关注自己的利益。印度主要把中国看成是平等的竞争对手，很大原因是1962年边境战争的结果，中国则把日本和美国看成平等的竞争对手。印度的军事资源相比投向中国更多的投向了巴基斯坦，一个不平等的竞争对手却占据了新德里全部的战略注意。
Theamorphous nature of Asian groupings is partly because geography has dectated asharp dividing line between East Asia and South Asia throughouthistory.Cultural, philosophical, and religious influences have transcended thegeographic dividing lines, and Hindu and Confucian concepts of governance havecoexisted in Southeast Asia. But the mountain and jungle barriers were too impenetrableto permit military interaction between the great empires of East Asia and SouthAsia until the twentieth century. The Mongols and their successors entered theIndian subconinent from Central Asia, not through the Himalayan hign passes,andthey failed to reach the southern parts of India. The various regions of Asiahave geopolitically and historically pursued distinct courses.
亚洲组织的不确定性部分是由于地形使东亚和南亚在历史上被一条线很明显地分开。文化、哲学、宗教的影响可以跨越这条地理上的分割线，印度教和儒教在东南亚同时存在；但是在20世纪以前，高山和丛林却足以阻碍东亚和南亚两个伟大帝国的军事力量相互接触。蒙古和他的继承者虽然从中亚进入印度次大陆，不是越过喜马拉雅山过去，但是他们也没能到达印度的南部。亚洲各个地区在历史和地缘政治上都不一样。
Theregional orders constructed during these periods include none based onWestphalian premises.Where the European order embraced an equilibrium ofterritorially defined “sovereign states” recognizing each others legal equality, traditional Asian political powers operated by more ambiguous criteria. Untilwell into the modern era, an “inner Asian” world influenced by Mongol Empire,Russia, and Islam coexisted with a Chinese imperial tribute system; the latterreached outward to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia, which entertained Chinasclaims of universality even as they practiced a form of statecraft deeplyinfluenced by Hindu principles received from India that posited a form ofdivinity for monarchs.
在这些时期，地区秩序的构建没有受到 过威斯特伐利亚体系的影响。欧洲秩序是建立在一群地区领主的平衡上的，他们都承认彼此平等的合法地位；而亚洲的传统政治建立在更加模糊的标准上。直到进入现代前，真正的亚洲是蒙古帝国、俄国、伊斯兰和一个中华帝国的朝贡体系共存的世界；后者向外扩展到东南亚诸国，虽然治国方法深受印度教影响同样假设国王有神性，但东南亚诸国还是接受了中国建立的世界体系。
Nowthese legacies are meeting, and there is far from a consensus among the variouscountries about the meaning of the journey they have taken or its lessons fortwenty-first-century world order. Under contemporary conditions, essentiallytwo balances of power are emerging:on in South Asia, the other in East Asia.Neither possesses the characteristic integral to the European balance of power:a balancer,a country capable of establishing an equilibrium by shifting itsweight to the weaker side. The United States(after its withdrawal fromAfghanistan) has refrained from treating the contemporary internal South Asianbalance primarily as a military problem. But it will have to be active in thediplomacy over reestablishing a regional order lest a vacuum is created, whichwould inevitably draw all surrounding countries into a regional confrontation.
现在，所有的历史遗产都相遇了，而且所有国家对在历史上经历的和学到的东西对建立21世纪世界秩序的意义没有达成共识。在当代，出现了两个关键的平衡力量，一个在南亚，一个在东亚。两个都不具有欧洲平衡力量那样作为整体的一部分的特点：做一个平衡者，一个国家可以通过和弱的一边站在一起来建立平衡。美国（从阿富汗撤军后）克制了自己，没有将当时的南亚内在平衡过程当成军事问题对待。但是他不得不在重建地区秩序上做积极的外交动作，以免出现真空地带，这将会不可避免的把周围国家卷入地区对抗中。
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-335111-1-1.html
Henry Kissinger
World Order
Chapter5: The Multiplicity of Asia
Whatis an Asian Regional Order?
什么是亚洲秩序？
Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,until the earlytwentieth century, able to preserve the balance through its insular positionand naval supremacy.Occasionally, European powers enlisted outside countries tostrengthen their positions temporarily-for example, France courting the OttomanEmpire in the sixteenth century or Britains early-twentieth-century alliancewith Japan –but non-Western powers,other than occasional surges from the MiddleEast or North Africa, had few interests in Europe and were not called on tointervene in European conflicts.
欧洲秩序是历史上独立发展起来的。直到20世纪前半叶，英国因为孤悬的岛屿位置和世界上最强大的海军保持了与欧洲的平衡。有时，欧洲国家为增强自己的力量与域外国家暂时结盟——比如，16世纪的法国和奥斯曼帝国，20世纪初期的英国和日本——但是与在中东和北非的风起云涌不同，非西方国家在欧洲几乎没有利益而且从来没有介入欧洲战争。
Bycontrast, the contemporary Asian order includes outside powers as an integralfeature: the United States, whose role as an Asia-Pacific power was explicitlyaffirmed in joint statements by U.S. President Barack Obama and ChinesePresident Hu Jintao in January 2011, and Chinese President Xi Jinping in June2013; and Russia, geographically an Asian power and participant in Asiangroupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,even if ovethree-quarters of its population lives in the European portion of Russianterritory.
相比起来，域外力量的介入一直是当代亚洲秩序的重要部分：2011年1月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Hu的联合声明，2013年6月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Xi的联合声明都清楚的确认了美国是亚太国家。而俄罗斯，即使他超过3/4的人口都居住在欧洲部分，他在地理上也是亚洲国家，还参加了亚洲组织，例如上海合作组织。
TheUnited States in modern times has occasionally been invited to act as abalancer of power.In the Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905,it mediated the warbetween Russia and Japan;in World War 2,it defeated Japans quest for Asianhegemony. The United States played a comparable Asian role during the Cold Warwhen it sought to balance the Soviet Union through a network of alliancesstretching from Pakistan to the Philippines.
现代以来，美国偶尔被邀请扮演平衡角色，在1905年的朴次茅斯和约中调停了俄国和日本的战争；在第二次世界大战，美国打败了寻求亚洲霸权的日本。美国在冷战时相当程度上扮演了亚洲国家，他建立了一个从巴基斯坦到菲律宾的联盟平衡了苏联的影响。
The evolving Asian structure will have to take into account a plethora of statesnot dealt with in the preceding pages. Indonesia, anchoring Southeast Asiawhile affirming an Islamic orientation,plays an increasingly influential roleand has thus far managed a delicate balancing act between China, the UnitedStates, and the Muslim world. With Japan,Russia, and China as nerghbors, theRepublic of Korea has achieved a vibrant democracy bolstered by a globallycompetitive economy, including leadership in strategic industries such astelecommunications and shipbuilding. Many Asian countries-including China-viewNorth Koreas policies as destabilizing but regard a collapse of North Korea asa greater danger.South Korea on its part will have to deal with increasingdomestic pressures for unification.
正在发展的亚洲机构将必须考虑很多过去没接触过的国家。印度尼西亚，一个东南亚的穆斯林国家，正在扮演越来越重要的角色，很大程度上维持着和中国、美国、穆斯林世界之间微妙的平衡。韩国，日本、俄罗斯和中国共同的邻居，是一个在全球有竞争力的经济体，在战略行业（比如电信和造船工业）中位于国际领先位置，受此激励他的国内民主制度正在蓬勃发展。北朝鲜被很多亚洲国家，包括中国，看成是不稳定的因素，但是，这些国家同时也认为北朝鲜的崩溃是个巨大的灾难。而对南朝鲜来说，他将不得不面对国内越来越大的统一压力。
In theface of Asias vast scale and the scope of its diversity, its nations havefashioned a dazzling array of multilateral groupings and bilateralmechanisms.In contrast to the European Union,NATO,and the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe, these institutions deal with security andeconomic issues on a case-by-case basis, not as an expression of formal rulesof regional order . Some of the key groupings include the United States, andsome, including economic ones, are Asian only, of which the most elaborated andsignificant is ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The coreprinciple is to welcome those nations most directly involved with the issues athand.
因为亚洲大陆的巨大和多样，亚洲国家流行建立一系列让人眼花缭乱的多边组织和双边机制。与亚洲形成对比的是欧盟，北约和欧洲安全与合作组织是欧盟处理具体安全和经济问题的基础，而不是一个形式上的地区秩序准则。一些核心组织包括美国，一些只有亚洲经济体参与的，其中最重要和复杂的就是东盟（东南亚国家联盟）。核心原则是欢迎身边所有直接参与问题的国家。
Butdoes all this amount to an Asian system of order?In Europes equilibrium, theinterests of the main parties were comparable, if not congruent ,A balance ofpower could be developed not only inpractice-as is inevitable in the absence of hegemony-but as a system oflegitimac that facilitated decisions and moderated policies. Such a congruencedoes not exist in Asia, as is shown by the priorities the major countries haveassigned to themselves.While India appears mostly concerned with China as apeer competitor, in large measure a legacy of the 1962 border war, China seesits peer rivals in Japan and the United States. India has devoted fewermilitary resources to China than to Pakistan, which, if not a peeer competitor,has been a strategic preoccupation for New Delhi.
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
但是这些能称为亚洲的秩序么？在欧洲的平衡中，主要国家的利益如果不能说完全一致的话也是类似的。力量的平衡不是只可以在实践过程中慢慢发展，以现在的情形来说，缺乏领导是不可避免的了，但是，还可以建立一个合法的体系来促进产生共识和调节各方政策。但是各方并没有就此达成一致，表现在各主要国家都优先关注自己的利益。印度主要把中国看成是平等的竞争对手，很大原因是1962年边境战争的结果，中国则把日本和美国看成平等的竞争对手。印度的军事资源相比投向中国更多的投向了巴基斯坦，一个不平等的竞争对手却占据了新德里全部的战略注意。
Theamorphous nature of Asian groupings is partly because geography has dectated asharp dividing line between East Asia and South Asia throughouthistory.Cultural, philosophical, and religious influences have transcended thegeographic dividing lines, and Hindu and Confucian concepts of governance havecoexisted in Southeast Asia. But the mountain and jungle barriers were too impenetrableto permit military interaction between the great empires of East Asia and SouthAsia until the twentieth century. The Mongols and their successors entered theIndian subconinent from Central Asia, not through the Himalayan hign passes,andthey failed to reach the southern parts of India. The various regions of Asiahave geopolitically and historically pursued distinct courses.
亚洲组织的不确定性部分是由于地形使东亚和南亚在历史上被一条线很明显地分开。文化、哲学、宗教的影响可以跨越这条地理上的分割线，印度教和儒教在东南亚同时存在；但是在20世纪以前，高山和丛林却足以阻碍东亚和南亚两个伟大帝国的军事力量相互接触。蒙古和他的继承者虽然从中亚进入印度次大陆，不是越过喜马拉雅山过去，但是他们也没能到达印度的南部。亚洲各个地区在历史和地缘政治上都不一样。
Theregional orders constructed during these periods include none based onWestphalian premises.Where the European order embraced an equilibrium ofterritorially defined “sovereign states” recognizing each others legal equality, traditional Asian political powers operated by more ambiguous criteria. Untilwell into the modern era, an “inner Asian” world influenced by Mongol Empire,Russia, and Islam coexisted with a Chinese imperial tribute system; the latterreached outward to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia, which entertained Chinasclaims of universality even as they practiced a form of statecraft deeplyinfluenced by Hindu principles received from India that posited a form ofdivinity for monarchs.
在这些时期，地区秩序的构建没有受到 过威斯特伐利亚体系的影响。欧洲秩序是建立在一群地区领主的平衡上的，他们都承认彼此平等的合法地位；而亚洲的传统政治建立在更加模糊的标准上。直到进入现代前，真正的亚洲是蒙古帝国、俄国、伊斯兰和一个中华帝国的朝贡体系共存的世界；后者向外扩展到东南亚诸国，虽然治国方法深受印度教影响同样假设国王有神性，但东南亚诸国还是接受了中国建立的世界体系。
Nowthese legacies are meeting, and there is far from a consensus among the variouscountries about the meaning of the journey they have taken or its lessons fortwenty-first-century world order. Under contemporary conditions, essentiallytwo balances of power are emerging:on in South Asia, the other in East Asia.Neither possesses the characteristic integral to the European balance of power:a balancer,a country capable of establishing an equilibrium by shifting itsweight to the weaker side. The United States(after its withdrawal fromAfghanistan) has refrained from treating the contemporary internal South Asianbalance primarily as a military problem. But it will have to be active in thediplomacy over reestablishing a regional order lest a vacuum is created, whichwould inevitably draw all surrounding countries into a regional confrontation.
现在，所有的历史遗产都相遇了，而且所有国家对在历史上经历的和学到的东西对建立21世纪世界秩序的意义没有达成共识。在当代，出现了两个关键的平衡力量，一个在南亚，一个在东亚。两个都不具有欧洲平衡力量那样作为整体的一部分的特点：做一个平衡者，一个国家可以通过和弱的一边站在一起来建立平衡。美国（从阿富汗撤军后）克制了自己，没有将当时的南亚内在平衡过程当成军事问题对待。但是他不得不在重建地区秩序上做积极的外交动作，以免出现真空地带，这将会不可避免的把周围国家卷入地区对抗中。原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-335111-1-1.html
Henry Kissinger
World Order
Chapter5: The Multiplicity of Asia
Whatis an Asian Regional Order?
什么是亚洲秩序？
Thehistorical European order had been self-contained.England was,until the earlytwentieth century, able to preserve the balance through its insular positionand naval supremacy.Occasionally, European powers enlisted outside countries tostrengthen their positions temporarily-for example, France courting the OttomanEmpire in the sixteenth century or Britains early-twentieth-century alliancewith Japan –but non-Western powers,other than occasional surges from the MiddleEast or North Africa, had few interests in Europe and were not called on tointervene in European conflicts.
欧洲秩序是历史上独立发展起来的。直到20世纪前半叶，英国因为孤悬的岛屿位置和世界上最强大的海军保持了与欧洲的平衡。有时，欧洲国家为增强自己的力量与域外国家暂时结盟——比如，16世纪的法国和奥斯曼帝国，20世纪初期的英国和日本——但是与在中东和北非的风起云涌不同，非西方国家在欧洲几乎没有利益而且从来没有介入欧洲战争。
Bycontrast, the contemporary Asian order includes outside powers as an integralfeature: the United States, whose role as an Asia-Pacific power was explicitlyaffirmed in joint statements by U.S. President Barack Obama and ChinesePresident Hu Jintao in January 2011, and Chinese President Xi Jinping in June2013; and Russia, geographically an Asian power and participant in Asiangroupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,even if ovethree-quarters of its population lives in the European portion of Russianterritory.
相比起来，域外力量的介入一直是当代亚洲秩序的重要部分：2011年1月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Hu的联合声明，2013年6月美国总统奥巴马和中国国家主席Xi的联合声明都清楚的确认了美国是亚太国家。而俄罗斯，即使他超过3/4的人口都居住在欧洲部分，他在地理上也是亚洲国家，还参加了亚洲组织，例如上海合作组织。
TheUnited States in modern times has occasionally been invited to act as abalancer of power.In the Treaty of Portsmouth of 1905,it mediated the warbetween Russia and Japan;in World War 2,it defeated Japans quest for Asianhegemony. The United States played a comparable Asian role during the Cold Warwhen it sought to balance the Soviet Union through a network of alliancesstretching from Pakistan to the Philippines.
现代以来，美国偶尔被邀请扮演平衡角色，在1905年的朴次茅斯和约中调停了俄国和日本的战争；在第二次世界大战，美国打败了寻求亚洲霸权的日本。美国在冷战时相当程度上扮演了亚洲国家，他建立了一个从巴基斯坦到菲律宾的联盟平衡了苏联的影响。
The evolving Asian structure will have to take into account a plethora of statesnot dealt with in the preceding pages. Indonesia, anchoring Southeast Asiawhile affirming an Islamic orientation,plays an increasingly influential roleand has thus far managed a delicate balancing act between China, the UnitedStates, and the Muslim world. With Japan,Russia, and China as nerghbors, theRepublic of Korea has achieved a vibrant democracy bolstered by a globallycompetitive economy, including leadership in strategic industries such astelecommunications and shipbuilding. Many Asian countries-including China-viewNorth Koreas policies as destabilizing but regard a collapse of North Korea asa greater danger.South Korea on its part will have to deal with increasingdomestic pressures for unification.
正在发展的亚洲机构将必须考虑很多过去没接触过的国家。印度尼西亚，一个东南亚的穆斯林国家，正在扮演越来越重要的角色，很大程度上维持着和中国、美国、穆斯林世界之间微妙的平衡。韩国，日本、俄罗斯和中国共同的邻居，是一个在全球有竞争力的经济体，在战略行业（比如电信和造船工业）中位于国际领先位置，受此激励他的国内民主制度正在蓬勃发展。北朝鲜被很多亚洲国家，包括中国，看成是不稳定的因素，但是，这些国家同时也认为北朝鲜的崩溃是个巨大的灾难。而对南朝鲜来说，他将不得不面对国内越来越大的统一压力。
In theface of Asias vast scale and the scope of its diversity, its nations havefashioned a dazzling array of multilateral groupings and bilateralmechanisms.In contrast to the European Union,NATO,and the Commission onSecurity and Cooperation in Europe, these institutions deal with security andeconomic issues on a case-by-case basis, not as an expression of formal rulesof regional order . Some of the key groupings include the United States, andsome, including economic ones, are Asian only, of which the most elaborated andsignificant is ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The coreprinciple is to welcome those nations most directly involved with the issues athand.
因为亚洲大陆的巨大和多样，亚洲国家流行建立一系列让人眼花缭乱的多边组织和双边机制。与亚洲形成对比的是欧盟，北约和欧洲安全与合作组织是欧盟处理具体安全和经济问题的基础，而不是一个形式上的地区秩序准则。一些核心组织包括美国，一些只有亚洲经济体参与的，其中最重要和复杂的就是东盟（东南亚国家联盟）。核心原则是欢迎身边所有直接参与问题的国家。
Butdoes all this amount to an Asian system of order?In Europes equilibrium, theinterests of the main parties were comparable, if not congruent ,A balance ofpower could be developed not only inpractice-as is inevitable in the absence of hegemony-but as a system oflegitimac that facilitated decisions and moderated policies. Such a congruencedoes not exist in Asia, as is shown by the priorities the major countries haveassigned to themselves.While India appears mostly concerned with China as apeer competitor, in large measure a legacy of the 1962 border war, China seesits peer rivals in Japan and the United States. India has devoted fewermilitary resources to China than to Pakistan, which, if not a peeer competitor,has been a strategic preoccupation for New Delhi.
译文来源:龙腾网 HTTP://WWW.LTAAA.COM
但是这些能称为亚洲的秩序么？在欧洲的平衡中，主要国家的利益如果不能说完全一致的话也是类似的。力量的平衡不是只可以在实践过程中慢慢发展，以现在的情形来说，缺乏领导是不可避免的了，但是，还可以建立一个合法的体系来促进产生共识和调节各方政策。但是各方并没有就此达成一致，表现在各主要国家都优先关注自己的利益。印度主要把中国看成是平等的竞争对手，很大原因是1962年边境战争的结果，中国则把日本和美国看成平等的竞争对手。印度的军事资源相比投向中国更多的投向了巴基斯坦，一个不平等的竞争对手却占据了新德里全部的战略注意。
Theamorphous nature of Asian groupings is partly because geography has dectated asharp dividing line between East Asia and South Asia throughouthistory.Cultural, philosophical, and religious influences have transcended thegeographic dividing lines, and Hindu and Confucian concepts of governance havecoexisted in Southeast Asia. But the mountain and jungle barriers were too impenetrableto permit military interaction between the great empires of East Asia and SouthAsia until the twentieth century. The Mongols and their successors entered theIndian subconinent from Central Asia, not through the Himalayan hign passes,andthey failed to reach the southern parts of India. The various regions of Asiahave geopolitically and historically pursued distinct courses.
亚洲组织的不确定性部分是由于地形使东亚和南亚在历史上被一条线很明显地分开。文化、哲学、宗教的影响可以跨越这条地理上的分割线，印度教和儒教在东南亚同时存在；但是在20世纪以前，高山和丛林却足以阻碍东亚和南亚两个伟大帝国的军事力量相互接触。蒙古和他的继承者虽然从中亚进入印度次大陆，不是越过喜马拉雅山过去，但是他们也没能到达印度的南部。亚洲各个地区在历史和地缘政治上都不一样。
Theregional orders constructed during these periods include none based onWestphalian premises.Where the European order embraced an equilibrium ofterritorially defined “sovereign states” recognizing each others legal equality, traditional Asian political powers operated by more ambiguous criteria. Untilwell into the modern era, an “inner Asian” world influenced by Mongol Empire,Russia, and Islam coexisted with a Chinese imperial tribute system; the latterreached outward to the kingdoms of Southeast Asia, which entertained Chinasclaims of universality even as they practiced a form of statecraft deeplyinfluenced by Hindu principles received from India that posited a form ofdivinity for monarchs.
在这些时期，地区秩序的构建没有受到 过威斯特伐利亚体系的影响。欧洲秩序是建立在一群地区领主的平衡上的，他们都承认彼此平等的合法地位；而亚洲的传统政治建立在更加模糊的标准上。直到进入现代前，真正的亚洲是蒙古帝国、俄国、伊斯兰和一个中华帝国的朝贡体系共存的世界；后者向外扩展到东南亚诸国，虽然治国方法深受印度教影响同样假设国王有神性，但东南亚诸国还是接受了中国建立的世界体系。
Nowthese legacies are meeting, and there is far from a consensus among the variouscountries about the meaning of the journey they have taken or its lessons fortwenty-first-century world order. Under contemporary conditions, essentiallytwo balances of power are emerging:on in South Asia, the other in East Asia.Neither possesses the characteristic integral to the European balance of power:a balancer,a country capable of establishing an equilibrium by shifting itsweight to the weaker side. The United States(after its withdrawal fromAfghanistan) has refrained from treating the contemporary internal South Asianbalance primarily as a military problem. But it will have to be active in thediplomacy over reestablishing a regional order lest a vacuum is created, whichwould inevitably draw all surrounding countries into a regional confrontation.
现在，所有的历史遗产都相遇了，而且所有国家对在历史上经历的和学到的东西对建立21世纪世界秩序的意义没有达成共识。在当代，出现了两个关键的平衡力量，一个在南亚，一个在东亚。两个都不具有欧洲平衡力量那样作为整体的一部分的特点：做一个平衡者，一个国家可以通过和弱的一边站在一起来建立平衡。美国（从阿富汗撤军后）克制了自己，没有将当时的南亚内在平衡过程当成军事问题对待。但是他不得不在重建地区秩序上做积极的外交动作，以免出现真空地带，这将会不可避免的把周围国家卷入地区对抗中。