Who\'s Afraid of China Inc.?(转载 NY Time)

来源:百度文库 编辑:超级军网 时间:2024/05/01 18:38:32

China's offer to acquire Unocal has touched off intense debates on trade, globalization and military might. Above, Chinese soldiers marched in Beijing.
By STEVE LOHR
Published: July 24, 2005
WILLIAM A. REINSCH, an avowed free trader, welcomes China's rising stature in the international economy. After all, he is the president of the National Foreign Trade Council, an organization founded in 1914 to promote an "open world trading system." Indeed, when he was a senior trade official in the Clinton administration, Mr. Reinsch was chided by some security analysts who said he was being soft on China by placing matters of commerce ahead of national security.
But even Mr. Reinsch is uneasy about China's attempt to buy Unocal, a midsize American oil company. The outcome of the takeover contest for Unocal is uncertain, and last week its board embraced an improved offer from Chevron. Yet Cnooc, a government-backed Chinese oil company, still has the higher offer - and it could up the ante.
If the Chinese bid proceeds, Mr. Reinsch wants to see a thorough national security review of the deal, one that goes beyond the usual focus on weapons technology to include energy security. "Our Army, Navy and Air Force run on oil," he explained.
Oil is the ultimate geopolitical commodity - it is "The Prize," as Daniel Yergin titled his epic history of petroleum and international politics. And even if Cnooc fails to grab Unocal, the pursuit has pushed the two sides of the Chinese challenge together and into the spotlight of public debate. For China is both an engine of economic globalization and an emerging military power. In symbolic shorthand, it is Wal-Mart with an army.
The two sides aren't neatly divided. But those who focus on economics tend to see partnership, cooperation and reasons for optimism despite tensions, while security experts are more pessimistic and anticipate strategic conflict as the likely future for two political systems that are so different.
In China, there are also two camps - the security hawks and the economic modernists, according to China analysts. The modernists see China joining the United States as the second great economic power of the 21st century, and the two nations sharing the gains from increased trade ties and global growth. The hawks regard that view as naïve, and fret that American policy is to remain the world's only superpower and to curb China's rise. So China's response, the hawks say, is to try to erode United States hegemony and reduce America's power to hold China down.
Both faces of China have been evident recently. Two weeks ago, a senior Chinese military official, Maj. Gen. Zhu Chenghu, said China should use nuclear weapons against the United States if the American military intervenes in any conflict over Taiwan. Then, bowing to pressure from the United States and other trading partners, China announced last Thursday that it would no longer peg its currency tightly to the dollar. It is a measured step, and it will not do much to moderate China's huge trade surplus with the United States anytime soon. But the move is a sign of flexibility and accommodation.
"Do we see each other inevitably as antagonists, or do we see a world of globalization from which both sides benefit? That is the big issue," said Kenneth Lieberthal, a senior official in the National Security Council during the Clinton administration.
"And that framework, one way or another," added Mr. Lieberthal, a China analyst and a professor at the University of Michigan business school, "will drive an enormous number of policy decisions."
So that is the China question: Is it an opportunity or a threat? If nothing else, the Cnooc bid for Unocal has shown how unsettled American thinking is on China and how deep the anxieties run, both in matters of national security and trade.
It is easy to dismiss Washington as a hot-air factory, but the scope of the outcry in Congress is significant. Resolutions and legislative proposals, all critical of Cnooc's takeover bid, have piled up in the House and Senate, from Republicans and Democrats. A resolution presented last month by Representative Richard W. Pombo, a California Republican, declared that permitting the Chinese company to buy Unocal would "threaten to impair the national security of the United States." It passed, 398 to 15.
Senator Byron Dorgan, a North Dakota Democrat, has drafted three pieces of anti-Cnooc legislation that range from calling for a six-month Congressional inquiry into the bid to a bill that would prohibit the deal. Mr. Dorgan objects to the Chinese move on fair-trade grounds. The Chinese government, he says, would not allow an American company to buy a Chinese oil company. "So why on earth should they be able to buy an American oil company?" Mr. Dorgan said.
China's offer to acquire Unocal has touched off intense debates on trade, globalization and military might. Above, Chinese soldiers marched in Beijing.
By STEVE LOHR
Published: July 24, 2005
WILLIAM A. REINSCH, an avowed free trader, welcomes China's rising stature in the international economy. After all, he is the president of the National Foreign Trade Council, an organization founded in 1914 to promote an "open world trading system." Indeed, when he was a senior trade official in the Clinton administration, Mr. Reinsch was chided by some security analysts who said he was being soft on China by placing matters of commerce ahead of national security.
But even Mr. Reinsch is uneasy about China's attempt to buy Unocal, a midsize American oil company. The outcome of the takeover contest for Unocal is uncertain, and last week its board embraced an improved offer from Chevron. Yet Cnooc, a government-backed Chinese oil company, still has the higher offer - and it could up the ante.
If the Chinese bid proceeds, Mr. Reinsch wants to see a thorough national security review of the deal, one that goes beyond the usual focus on weapons technology to include energy security. "Our Army, Navy and Air Force run on oil," he explained.
Oil is the ultimate geopolitical commodity - it is "The Prize," as Daniel Yergin titled his epic history of petroleum and international politics. And even if Cnooc fails to grab Unocal, the pursuit has pushed the two sides of the Chinese challenge together and into the spotlight of public debate. For China is both an engine of economic globalization and an emerging military power. In symbolic shorthand, it is Wal-Mart with an army.
The two sides aren't neatly divided. But those who focus on economics tend to see partnership, cooperation and reasons for optimism despite tensions, while security experts are more pessimistic and anticipate strategic conflict as the likely future for two political systems that are so different.
In China, there are also two camps - the security hawks and the economic modernists, according to China analysts. The modernists see China joining the United States as the second great economic power of the 21st century, and the two nations sharing the gains from increased trade ties and global growth. The hawks regard that view as naïve, and fret that American policy is to remain the world's only superpower and to curb China's rise. So China's response, the hawks say, is to try to erode United States hegemony and reduce America's power to hold China down.
Both faces of China have been evident recently. Two weeks ago, a senior Chinese military official, Maj. Gen. Zhu Chenghu, said China should use nuclear weapons against the United States if the American military intervenes in any conflict over Taiwan. Then, bowing to pressure from the United States and other trading partners, China announced last Thursday that it would no longer peg its currency tightly to the dollar. It is a measured step, and it will not do much to moderate China's huge trade surplus with the United States anytime soon. But the move is a sign of flexibility and accommodation.
"Do we see each other inevitably as antagonists, or do we see a world of globalization from which both sides benefit? That is the big issue," said Kenneth Lieberthal, a senior official in the National Security Council during the Clinton administration.
"And that framework, one way or another," added Mr. Lieberthal, a China analyst and a professor at the University of Michigan business school, "will drive an enormous number of policy decisions."
So that is the China question: Is it an opportunity or a threat? If nothing else, the Cnooc bid for Unocal has shown how unsettled American thinking is on China and how deep the anxieties run, both in matters of national security and trade.
It is easy to dismiss Washington as a hot-air factory, but the scope of the outcry in Congress is significant. Resolutions and legislative proposals, all critical of Cnooc's takeover bid, have piled up in the House and Senate, from Republicans and Democrats. A resolution presented last month by Representative Richard W. Pombo, a California Republican, declared that permitting the Chinese company to buy Unocal would "threaten to impair the national security of the United States." It passed, 398 to 15.
Senator Byron Dorgan, a North Dakota Democrat, has drafted three pieces of anti-Cnooc legislation that range from calling for a six-month Congressional inquiry into the bid to a bill that would prohibit the deal. Mr. Dorgan objects to the Chinese move on fair-trade grounds. The Chinese government, he says, would not allow an American company to buy a Chinese oil company. "So why on earth should they be able to buy an American oil company?" Mr. Dorgan said.
双方的石油公司都不相卖,美国人舒坦了!我们也省心。
[em01]
懂的翻译下哈
我用翻译软件翻译了一下,大家看个大概吧。

中国的提供获得Unocal离开接触了关于贸易、globalization和军的势力的强的讨论。
高于,中国的兵在北京前进了。
在史蒂夫·LOHR旁出版:七月威廉·A·REINSCH、一名公开声明的自由的商人,欢迎中国的在国际的经济方面的上升的身长。
在全部之后,他是国家的外国的贸易委员会的总统,一个组织在1914年发现促进一"开着的世界商业系统。"
的确,当他是一个在克林顿管理的年长的贸易官员时,Reinsch先生被说他正在是在通过放置在国家的安全前头的贸易的物质的中国上柔软的一些安全分析者责备了。
而甚至Reinsch先生是不舒服在中国的尝试买Unocal、一家中等大小的美国的油公司。
为Unocal的接收斗争的结果是不定的,上星期它的板拥抱了一次从袖章的改进提供。
可是Cnooc,家政府有支座的中国的油公司,仍更高的提供和它能够起来了赌注。
如果中国的出价收入,Reinsch先生想要看一次交易的彻底的国家的安全回顾,一个那超过关于武器工业技术的通常的焦点包括能安全。
"我们的军队,海军和空气力继续油,"他说明。
油是最后的地理政治的物品它是"奖品,"作为加标题他的石油和国际的政治的英雄的历史的丹尼尔·Yergin。
甚至如果Cnooc未能抓住Unocal,追赶推了一起和到公众的讨论的聚光灯里的中国的挑战的二个边。
一台经济的globalization和个出现军的力的引擎为中国是都。
在符号的速记法方面,这是同一个军队的Wal商业中心。
二个边整洁地不是分开。
而关于经济聚焦的那些趋向看为不管张力的乐观的合伙,合作和理由,当安全专家是更加悲观的并预期战略的冲突像很可能的将来为二个政治的系统那是如此不同的。
在中国,按照中国分析者也有二个营安全鹰和经济的modernists。
modernists看出中国作为第21世纪的第二伟大的经济的力连接团结的状态,分享从增加的贸易带和全球的生长的获利的二个国家。
鹰作为na看待那视野吗?ve和格子细工美国的政策去过留下世界的唯一的超级大国并抑制中国的上升。
因此中国的答复,鹰说,去过设法侵蚀团结的状态霸权并减少美洲的力向下握中国。
近来两中国的脸是明显的。
二星期前,一个年长的中国的军的官员、少校。
将军。
Zhu Chenghu说了如果美国的军队在台湾上在任何冲突里干预中国应当使用逆着团结的状态的核武器。
那时,对从团结的状态和别的商业伙伴的压力鞠躬,中国星期四它宣布了上会不再木栓对元紧的它的通用。
这是一个量过的步,它将不更非常向中等的中国的巨大的贸易过剩有在任何时候的团结的状态不久。
而移动是一个柔性和住处的标志。
"我们作为对抗物不可避免地看见各别的,或我们看许多的globalization从其两边对有利吗?
那是大问题,"在克林顿管理期间在国家的安全理事会里的肯尼思·Lieberthal,个年长的官员说。
"和那骨架、一路或另一个,"加Lieberthal先生、一名中国分析者和一个教授在密执安业务学校的大学之处,"将驱赶一个政策决定的巨大的数。"
因此那是中国问题:它是一个机会或一次威胁吗?
如果此外的没任何东西,为Unocal Cnooc出价已经展示使美国的思想不稳固都关于国家的安全和贸易怎样是在跑的中国和怎样深的担心上。
它易于解雇象一座热空气工厂一样的华盛顿,而在大会的公开抗议的范围是有特殊意义的。
坚定和立法的建议,所有的批评的Cnooc的接收出价,向上在房子和参议院里,从共和党党员和民主党党员堆了。
上月坚定在典型的理查德·W·Pombo旁给出了,一个加利福尼亚共和党党员,宣布许可中国的公司买Unocal会"威胁削弱团结的状态的国家的安全"
它过时的,398到15。
拜伦参议员Dorgan,个北军事运输机民主党党员,起草了三块anti-Cnooc立法那排列从要求一次六月国会的询问到出价向一个议案那会禁止交易。
对汉语的Dorgan先生物体在公平贸易的地上移动。
他说,中国的政府不会允许一家美国的公司买一家中国的油公司。
"因此为什么地球上他们应当是能买一家美国的油公司的? "
Dorgan先生说了
不就是中海油要买尤尼可,美国国内的政客们说中国那是在抢夺他们的战略资源,他们使用在该国的一句口号“Our Army, Navy and Air Force run on oil”来证明中国购买‘尤尼可’是不行的,是危险的,是有不可告人的目的滴![em01]
还是一个意识形态和冷战思维方面的问题作祟
不过对于中国,不论是什么意识形态和社会制度,美国
都会想方设法遏止中国的崛起和强大的
不局限于意识形态,主要是文化的冲突和对有限资源的争夺。
呵呵,有钱 我买不到什么啊