兰德报告:中美,海上

来源:百度文库 编辑:超级军网 时间:2024/04/28 04:48:43


How to Avert a Sea Catastrophe with China
如何避免与中国的海上悲剧
肥羊
Beneath the tensions over conflicting territorial claims in the East China and South China Seas,a potentially dangerous sea-power rivalry is brewing between the United States and China.Because China views U.S. naval forces in East Asian waters as menacing and a potential barrier to its access to the world's oceans, resources and markets,it is deploying anti-ship missiles,submarines,space-based sensors and cyberwar capabilities to hold those forces at bay.
在中国东海和南海领土主权冲突的紧张局势下,美国与中国之间正在酝酿着一种有潜在危险的海权竞争。因为中国认为存在于东亚海域的美国海军是一种威胁,同时也是其走向大洋、海外资源与市场的一个潜在障碍,于是部署了反舰导弹,潜艇,天基传感器以及在沿海整合这些力量的信息化作战能力。
China is also expanding its own naval forces to enforce its claims and extend its influence.Because this vital region could become unstable or fall under China's sway if U.S. sea power recedes or is allowed to become vulnerable,the United States will have to meet this challenge,one way or another.
中国也在不断扩大其海军力量以确保对其声索的势力范围的影响能力。因为如果美国海军从这一重要地区退出或者变得懦弱,它就会在中国的势力下变得不稳定甚至是爆发冲突,因此美国将不得不面对这一挑战,无论是以哪种方式。
Sea-power rivalries have a way of ending badly.In the late 1800s,Germany challenged British sea supremacy,which was seen as a threat to its overseas access and goal of becoming a world power.Despite close economic ties and mutual interest in maritime security,Britain regarded Germany's naval build-up as a strategic threat and so further expanded the Royal Navy.The ensuing "dreadnought arms race" contributed to Anglo-German antagonism that ended in World War I.For China and the United States today,the Anglo-German case is a cautionary tale.
海权竞争有过糟糕的结果案例。在19世纪晚期,德国挑战了英国的海上霸权,德国认为英国是其走向大洋和成为世界强国这一的目标的一个威胁。尽管两国有着密切的经济联系和共同感兴趣的海上安全话题,英国也认为德国海军的壮大已经形成了战略威胁并且因此对皇家海军进行了扩军。随之而来的“无畏舰军备竞赛”为英德在第一次世界大战中的对抗做足了准备。对于今天的中国和美国来说,英德两国的故事是一个前车之鉴。
While the Chinese have not yet decided to become a global sea power,they are moving from coastal defense to extending their naval reach into disputed seas.Some Chinese favor a cooperative instead of confrontational approach to maritime security – after all,95 percent of Chinese trade goes by sea.
尽管中国还没有下定决心要成为一支全球海军,其海军也正在从沿海防御中走出来,将手伸向有争议的海域。还是有些中国人希望通过合作而不是对抗的办法来处理海上的安全问题——毕竟,中国95%的贸易是通过海洋来完成的。
But increasingly influential Chinese admirals view the U.S. Navy essentially as German admirals viewed the Royal Navy:as a challenge.Because of the strike power of U.S. aircraft carriers,they are China's highest priority targets –and are increasingly hard to defend.Carriers will remain invaluable for the United States elsewhere,but their vulnerability is becoming a liability in the Western Pacific.
但是越来越多的中国海军将领倾向于用当年德国海军将领看待英国皇家海军的眼光来看待美国海军:视其为一种挑战。因为美国航空母舰所具备的打击力量,它们成为了中国最高优先级别的目标——并且抵御起来也越来越困难。航空母舰无论在哪都是美国最宝贵的资产,但它们在西太平洋海域的脆弱性正在日益成为一种负担。
In response,the U.S. Navy,in conjunction with the Air Force,has come up with a strategy called Air-Sea Battle,which would destroy Chinese capabilities before they can target U.S. ones.While this is an option worth having,using it would be escalatory in that it could require striking Chinese territory.It could also be destabilizing,in that it would be most effective if employed at the very outset of a conflict,thus increasing China's incentive to attack first, early or even preemptively.Moreover,because Air-Sea Battle relies on computer networks for command and control,it may become vulnerable to Chinese cyberattacks.
作为回应,美国海军,在美国空军的协同配合下,提出名为“空海一体战”的新理论,旨在中国具备挑战美国的能力之前将其作战能力加以摧毁。尽管这也是一个不错的选择,但实际操作起来将会使局势一发而不可收拾,因为它可能涉及到打击中国领土。这也将造成连锁反应,要将演化成一次冲突的开端的话,将会是最好的理由,进而增加中国先发制人的可能性。除此之外,因为“空海一体战”理论依赖于计算机网络进行指挥与控制,它本身也将成为中国人网络攻击的对象。
A better U.S. response is to outfox Chinese targeting by shifting to more distributed, numerous, diverse, elusive, small, long-range and hard-to-find naval strike forces,as well as drones and cyber-war.A more survivable U.S. strike posture along these lines would be neither escalatory nor destabilizing.Rather,by facing China with a far more perplexing targeting challenge,it would deter Chinese risk-taking,obviate the need for U.S. preemption and allow time for a crisis to be defused.
美国更为理想的反应是通过将海军的打击力量分散部署、少量多群

How to Avert a Sea Catastrophe with China
如何避免与中国的海上悲剧
肥羊
Beneath the tensions over conflicting territorial claims in the East China and South China Seas,a potentially dangerous sea-power rivalry is brewing between the United States and China.Because China views U.S. naval forces in East Asian waters as menacing and a potential barrier to its access to the world's oceans, resources and markets,it is deploying anti-ship missiles,submarines,space-based sensors and cyberwar capabilities to hold those forces at bay.
在中国东海和南海领土主权冲突的紧张局势下,美国与中国之间正在酝酿着一种有潜在危险的海权竞争。因为中国认为存在于东亚海域的美国海军是一种威胁,同时也是其走向大洋、海外资源与市场的一个潜在障碍,于是部署了反舰导弹,潜艇,天基传感器以及在沿海整合这些力量的信息化作战能力。
China is also expanding its own naval forces to enforce its claims and extend its influence.Because this vital region could become unstable or fall under China's sway if U.S. sea power recedes or is allowed to become vulnerable,the United States will have to meet this challenge,one way or another.
中国也在不断扩大其海军力量以确保对其声索的势力范围的影响能力。因为如果美国海军从这一重要地区退出或者变得懦弱,它就会在中国的势力下变得不稳定甚至是爆发冲突,因此美国将不得不面对这一挑战,无论是以哪种方式。
Sea-power rivalries have a way of ending badly.In the late 1800s,Germany challenged British sea supremacy,which was seen as a threat to its overseas access and goal of becoming a world power.Despite close economic ties and mutual interest in maritime security,Britain regarded Germany's naval build-up as a strategic threat and so further expanded the Royal Navy.The ensuing "dreadnought arms race" contributed to Anglo-German antagonism that ended in World War I.For China and the United States today,the Anglo-German case is a cautionary tale.
海权竞争有过糟糕的结果案例。在19世纪晚期,德国挑战了英国的海上霸权,德国认为英国是其走向大洋和成为世界强国这一的目标的一个威胁。尽管两国有着密切的经济联系和共同感兴趣的海上安全话题,英国也认为德国海军的壮大已经形成了战略威胁并且因此对皇家海军进行了扩军。随之而来的“无畏舰军备竞赛”为英德在第一次世界大战中的对抗做足了准备。对于今天的中国和美国来说,英德两国的故事是一个前车之鉴。
While the Chinese have not yet decided to become a global sea power,they are moving from coastal defense to extending their naval reach into disputed seas.Some Chinese favor a cooperative instead of confrontational approach to maritime security – after all,95 percent of Chinese trade goes by sea.
尽管中国还没有下定决心要成为一支全球海军,其海军也正在从沿海防御中走出来,将手伸向有争议的海域。还是有些中国人希望通过合作而不是对抗的办法来处理海上的安全问题——毕竟,中国95%的贸易是通过海洋来完成的。
But increasingly influential Chinese admirals view the U.S. Navy essentially as German admirals viewed the Royal Navy:as a challenge.Because of the strike power of U.S. aircraft carriers,they are China's highest priority targets –and are increasingly hard to defend.Carriers will remain invaluable for the United States elsewhere,but their vulnerability is becoming a liability in the Western Pacific.
但是越来越多的中国海军将领倾向于用当年德国海军将领看待英国皇家海军的眼光来看待美国海军:视其为一种挑战。因为美国航空母舰所具备的打击力量,它们成为了中国最高优先级别的目标——并且抵御起来也越来越困难。航空母舰无论在哪都是美国最宝贵的资产,但它们在西太平洋海域的脆弱性正在日益成为一种负担。
In response,the U.S. Navy,in conjunction with the Air Force,has come up with a strategy called Air-Sea Battle,which would destroy Chinese capabilities before they can target U.S. ones.While this is an option worth having,using it would be escalatory in that it could require striking Chinese territory.It could also be destabilizing,in that it would be most effective if employed at the very outset of a conflict,thus increasing China's incentive to attack first, early or even preemptively.Moreover,because Air-Sea Battle relies on computer networks for command and control,it may become vulnerable to Chinese cyberattacks.
作为回应,美国海军,在美国空军的协同配合下,提出名为“空海一体战”的新理论,旨在中国具备挑战美国的能力之前将其作战能力加以摧毁。尽管这也是一个不错的选择,但实际操作起来将会使局势一发而不可收拾,因为它可能涉及到打击中国领土。这也将造成连锁反应,要将演化成一次冲突的开端的话,将会是最好的理由,进而增加中国先发制人的可能性。除此之外,因为“空海一体战”理论依赖于计算机网络进行指挥与控制,它本身也将成为中国人网络攻击的对象。
A better U.S. response is to outfox Chinese targeting by shifting to more distributed, numerous, diverse, elusive, small, long-range and hard-to-find naval strike forces,as well as drones and cyber-war.A more survivable U.S. strike posture along these lines would be neither escalatory nor destabilizing.Rather,by facing China with a far more perplexing targeting challenge,it would deter Chinese risk-taking,obviate the need for U.S. preemption and allow time for a crisis to be defused.
美国更为理想的反应是通过将海军的打击力量分散部署、少量多群
小型机动、远程隐蔽的变化来躲过中国人的瞄准,同时用好无人机和网络战。一支采取了上述手段的生存能力更强的美国打击力量既可以不让局势升级,也不会破坏局势的稳定。与前一种反应恰恰相反,采用这种更加难以捉摸的方式来面对中国的挑战,将会遏制中国人的冒险,为美国赢得先机并允许通过时间来化解危机。
But the United States is unlikely to make a rapid shift to such a strategy,what with the long lead-times required,fiscal constraints and institutional-industrial inertia.Moreover,even if U.S. naval forces were less concentrated and conspicuous,they might still be targetable and would remain vulnerable to cyberwar.Given the fact that the United States cannot retreat from this region's waters,it should also pursue a political alternative to head-to-head sea-power rivalry –one that involves its regional partners and, ideally, China itself.
但是美国是不可能一下子就完成战略上的这种快速转变的,这种转变需要很长时间的前期准备,还涉及到财政上的限制和工业体系上的惯性。此外,哪怕是美国海军不再如当前这般气势汹汹和吸引眼球,他们仍然还会是别人的目标并且继续成为网络战当中的薄弱环节。在美国无法撤出这一地区的海域的事实前提下,美国还可以寻求政治解决的方式来替代面对面的海权竞争——美国还可以寻求政治解决的方式来替代面对面的海权竞争——找一个与美国在这一地区的伙伴都有打交道的国家,理想情况下,这个国家就是中国。
Specifically,the United States should propose and pursue an East Asian maritime partnership,inviting to join all states that share its interest in assured access and passage.The partnership would be based on the norms that disputes should be settled nonviolently and that civilian shipping engaged in peaceful,peacetime trade should not be threatened.
具体而言,美国应提出并寻求在东亚海域建立伙伴关系,邀请各方商讨并且交流自己对于确保航行自由的关注。这种伙伴关系将建立在以非暴力方式解决争端和以和平方式展开民用航运竞争的规则之上,和平时期的贸易不应该受到威胁。
These principles could be buttressed by enhanced maritime information-sharing, crisis consultations, joint exercises and operations (e.g., against non-state threats) and measures to avoid incidents.Resolving the region's complex maritime legal disputes should not be a precondition for creating or joining the partnership;but a pledge to refrain from force in the meantime should be.
这些原则可以通过海事信息共享、危机解决磋商、联合训练与演习(比如针对非国家威胁)还有避免造成意外的措施等来得到巩固。解决该地区的海上复杂法律争议不应以建立或者加入这种伙伴关系为前提;但必须作出在事发时避免使用武力的事前承诺。
Neither the United States nor China would be expected to reduce its sea-power capabilities or relinquish any of its options in the event of war.While such a partnership would not preclude competition or conflict outright,it could reduce mistrust and mistakes of the sort that are more likely than rational forethought to trigger Sino-U.S. hostilities.
无论是美国还是中国估计都不会去削弱其制海权或者放弃在必要时进行战争的选项。虽然这种伙伴关系不能彻底的排除竞争或冲突,但是它还是能够减少猜疑和因为可能的错误原因而触发的中美之间不理智的对抗。
Apart from China,a number of East Asian states are developing some of the world's most advanced naval forces.While the United States should not seek to align China's oceanic neighbors against it,China should take care not to give them cause to do so by rejecting a cooperative arrangement.Indications are that some Chinese are getting worried about regional isolation in reaction to China's growing power and assertiveness.Maybe Chinese nationalism,weak civilian control of the military and distrust of American motives would make China's accession unlikely,at least for now.A cooperative approach to maritime security in East Asia may be a long shot.But the advantages of an arrangement that could build familiarity and confidence while reducing dangers at sea are substantial.
除了中国,还有一些东亚国家正在发展世界上最先进的海军力量。虽然美国不应谋求、鼓励中国的海洋邻国去针对中国,中国也应当小心地不要做出拒绝合作的姿态来给这些邻国以借口来那样做。有迹象显示一些中国人正在担心中国日益增长的实力和自信正在造成中国在这一地区被孤立。或许中国的民族主义,不受文职人员控制的军方以及对美国人动机的不信任将导致中国不大可能加入这一伙伴关系,至少现在是这样。东亚地区的海上安全合作机制的建立可能很渺茫。但是相关准备可以熟悉彼此、建立信任,同时降低海上危险的好处也是很明显的。
好吧,恩,美国来主导!
无聊。故意假装不知道中国并不反对自由通行,只是反对美国干预对台湾的解放
美国就是想主导东亚和亚州的发展 然后消灭可以挑战他的中国..
美帝鸽派的意思