超级军网分析人士：从《决定》看出 中共允许思潮适度多元化
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/29 19:36:28
分析人士指出，《决定》提出对社会思潮要尊重差异，包容多样，表明中共为创造和谐氛围，在一定程度上承认和允许社会思潮多元化，但前提是这种多元化不能威胁中共马克思主义意识形态的主导地位。
出现富有温情语言
《决定》还提出要注重促进人的心理和谐，加强人文关怀和心理疏导，加强心理健康教育和保健，塑造自尊自信、理性平和、积极向上的社会心态。这种富有温情和关爱的语言在中共话语体系中还比较少见，是中共执政理念的进步。
中共中央党校教授王长江认为，中共长期以来是用革命党的思维来思考执政的问题，从社会矛盾运动的原理出发，认定阶级斗争是推动社会前进的根本动力。但是在改革的过程中，这种观念慢慢发生了变化，而六中全会通过的《决定》是彻底实现这一变化的标志。
中国国情专家、清华大学教授胡鞍钢指出，中共执政理念已实现三阶段跨越，即从“文革”期间的“斗争哲学”转变为过去20年的“建设哲学”，如今又转向“和谐哲学”。
胡鞍钢认为，和谐社会汲取中华传统哲学思想精华并将其现代化，这完全是中国特色。中国的和谐事业比美国的民主、人权更具影响力和诱惑力。“什么叫软实力？这就是中国最大的软实力！”
他说，《决定》实际上已经告知全世界中共十七大准备要做什么，同时，它也为中共十七大报告奠定了重要的基础。分析人士指出，《决定》提出对社会思潮要尊重差异，包容多样，表明中共为创造和谐氛围，在一定程度上承认和允许社会思潮多元化，但前提是这种多元化不能威胁中共马克思主义意识形态的主导地位。
出现富有温情语言
《决定》还提出要注重促进人的心理和谐，加强人文关怀和心理疏导，加强心理健康教育和保健，塑造自尊自信、理性平和、积极向上的社会心态。这种富有温情和关爱的语言在中共话语体系中还比较少见，是中共执政理念的进步。
中共中央党校教授王长江认为，中共长期以来是用革命党的思维来思考执政的问题，从社会矛盾运动的原理出发，认定阶级斗争是推动社会前进的根本动力。但是在改革的过程中，这种观念慢慢发生了变化，而六中全会通过的《决定》是彻底实现这一变化的标志。
中国国情专家、清华大学教授胡鞍钢指出，中共执政理念已实现三阶段跨越，即从“文革”期间的“斗争哲学”转变为过去20年的“建设哲学”，如今又转向“和谐哲学”。
胡鞍钢认为，和谐社会汲取中华传统哲学思想精华并将其现代化，这完全是中国特色。中国的和谐事业比美国的民主、人权更具影响力和诱惑力。“什么叫软实力？这就是中国最大的软实力！”
他说，《决定》实际上已经告知全世界中共十七大准备要做什么，同时，它也为中共十七大报告奠定了重要的基础。
出现富有温情语言
《决定》还提出要注重促进人的心理和谐，加强人文关怀和心理疏导，加强心理健康教育和保健，塑造自尊自信、理性平和、积极向上的社会心态。这种富有温情和关爱的语言在中共话语体系中还比较少见，是中共执政理念的进步。
中共中央党校教授王长江认为，中共长期以来是用革命党的思维来思考执政的问题，从社会矛盾运动的原理出发，认定阶级斗争是推动社会前进的根本动力。但是在改革的过程中，这种观念慢慢发生了变化，而六中全会通过的《决定》是彻底实现这一变化的标志。
中国国情专家、清华大学教授胡鞍钢指出，中共执政理念已实现三阶段跨越，即从“文革”期间的“斗争哲学”转变为过去20年的“建设哲学”，如今又转向“和谐哲学”。
胡鞍钢认为，和谐社会汲取中华传统哲学思想精华并将其现代化，这完全是中国特色。中国的和谐事业比美国的民主、人权更具影响力和诱惑力。“什么叫软实力？这就是中国最大的软实力！”
他说，《决定》实际上已经告知全世界中共十七大准备要做什么，同时，它也为中共十七大报告奠定了重要的基础。分析人士指出，《决定》提出对社会思潮要尊重差异，包容多样，表明中共为创造和谐氛围，在一定程度上承认和允许社会思潮多元化，但前提是这种多元化不能威胁中共马克思主义意识形态的主导地位。
出现富有温情语言
《决定》还提出要注重促进人的心理和谐，加强人文关怀和心理疏导，加强心理健康教育和保健，塑造自尊自信、理性平和、积极向上的社会心态。这种富有温情和关爱的语言在中共话语体系中还比较少见，是中共执政理念的进步。
中共中央党校教授王长江认为，中共长期以来是用革命党的思维来思考执政的问题，从社会矛盾运动的原理出发，认定阶级斗争是推动社会前进的根本动力。但是在改革的过程中，这种观念慢慢发生了变化，而六中全会通过的《决定》是彻底实现这一变化的标志。
中国国情专家、清华大学教授胡鞍钢指出，中共执政理念已实现三阶段跨越，即从“文革”期间的“斗争哲学”转变为过去20年的“建设哲学”，如今又转向“和谐哲学”。
胡鞍钢认为，和谐社会汲取中华传统哲学思想精华并将其现代化，这完全是中国特色。中国的和谐事业比美国的民主、人权更具影响力和诱惑力。“什么叫软实力？这就是中国最大的软实力！”
他说，《决定》实际上已经告知全世界中共十七大准备要做什么，同时，它也为中共十七大报告奠定了重要的基础。
改革奠定的国内经济多元化必然带来思想的多元化、开放形成的中外思想文化交汇的渠道广阔畅通。农民、民工、学生、白领、企业主、新旧知识分子诸多阶层，西学、国学、中外哲学、多种宗教、各种意识形态、各种政治理念，进步的信息社会，无所不知、无所不有、无所不传、无所不生。
《左传》记载道：郑人游于乡校，以论执政。然明谓子产：“毁乡校何如？”子产曰：“何为？夫人朝夕退而游焉，以议执政之善否，其所善者，吾则行之。其所恶者，吾则改之，是吾师也，若之何毁之？我闻忠善以损怨，不闻作威以防怨。岂不遽止？然犹防川：大决所犯，伤人必多，吾不克救也；不如小决使道，不如吾闻而药之也。”仲尼闻是语也，曰：“人谓子产不仁，吾不信也。”
《左传》记载道：郑人游于乡校，以论执政。然明谓子产：“毁乡校何如？”子产曰：“何为？夫人朝夕退而游焉，以议执政之善否，其所善者，吾则行之。其所恶者，吾则改之，是吾师也，若之何毁之？我闻忠善以损怨，不闻作威以防怨。岂不遽止？然犹防川：大决所犯，伤人必多，吾不克救也；不如小决使道，不如吾闻而药之也。”仲尼闻是语也，曰：“人谓子产不仁，吾不信也。”
拉倒吧，重庆一个县的一个老百姓写首打油诗讽刺县长都被抓起来了
这篇文章《参考消息》上登了
是奋斗目标，不是社会现实
现在各个论坛很多id能发表各种异议就是一种初步的实现。想要一下放开也是不现实的，这和政改的道理是一样的。总之，这个决定所要做的，对谁都有好处。不是吗？
网禁松了点没
原帖由 风卷云 于 2006-10-20 17:44 发表
网禁松了点没
:b 好一点了，英文的Wiki能上了，中文还不行 :handshake
我一直上基督教科学箴言报的网站,一个典型的保守派报纸,没听说什么时候封的.
CAIRO AND BAGHDAD – Insurgents have used the Muslim holy month Ramadan, when dawn-to-dusk fasting marks the revelation of the Koran to the prophet Muhammad, to incite one of the most violent months since the start of the Iraq war.
Thursday, a US military spokesman in Baghdad said attacks on its soldiers are up 22 percent this month, which he described as "disheartening." Ramadan ends early next week, but the US military says it does not appear to be a temporary uptick. If it continues, say analysts, it will challenge the viability of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's government and cast a long shadow over the US midterm elections in November.
E-mail this story
Write a letter to the Editor
Printer-friendly version
Permission to reprint/republish
October is already the 10th deadliest month of the war for US forces, with 11 days to go. It is on track to be the worst month for the coalition in two years.
While Muslims traditionally believe Ramadan is a time for good actions - such as feeding the poor - that general belief reflected through the lens of jihad groups like Al Qaeda, who believe God approves of their murders, inspires them to step up attacks.
The scope of Iraqi casualties during the holy month is less clear, although suicide attacks and death-squad activity does appears much higher than in preceding months. Early this week, sectarian fighting left 100 dead in Balad, 60 miles north of Baghdad. In the northern city of Mosul Thursday, six suicide bombs killed 20 Iraqis.
In Baghdad, Iraqi deaths often result from sectarian rivalries. Walking home to break his fast Wednesday evening, a resident of Baghdad's Amal neighborhood watched as two men in masks and police uniforms hopped from a car and gunned down two shopkeepers. "Why,'' he asks? "We don't ask and they don't tell."
Reporting by the US Defense Department, cited by Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, showed a ninefold increase in violent sectarian incidents and a fourfold increase in Iraqi casualties between last year's Ramadan and the end of July.
Since July, anecdotal reporting shows a mounting death toll. The Iraq Coalition Casualty website, which relies on press reports for the Iraqi death toll, shows August and September to be the two deadliest months of the war for Iraqis, with a minimum of 6,500 killed. October appears to be headed for another record.
Mr. Cordesman, the former director of intelligence assessment for the US Defense Secretary, writes in an Oct. 19 report that, "Iraq is already in a state of serious civil war, and current efforts at political compromise and improving security at best are buying time. There is a critical risk that Iraq will drift into a major civil conflict over the coming months, see its present government fail, and/or divide or separate in some form."
As the death toll rises, comparisons to the Vietnam War are appearing again. The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman wrote this week that violence in Iraq poses "the Jihadist equivalent of the Tet Offensive,'' referring to the massive North Vietnamese and Viet Cong assault that began in January 1968 and ended with few strategic gains for the North. It badly shook American confidence of ultimate victory in Vietnam, and led then-President Lyndon Johnson to abandon his reelection bid.
But the violence or structure of the Iraq war does not mirror Vietnam, note historians. In that war, organized battalions of opponents overran key US and South Vietnamese positions only to be pushed back later.
Instead, the nature of Iraq's diffuse sectarian war is not about clearing and holding territory, but much more about spreading the fear that is contributing to the cleansing of Shiites and Sunnis from each others' strongholds.
Nevertheless, President Bush did admit a Tet Offensive parallel in that the violence may have an impact on US elections.
"He could be right,'' Mr. Bush told ABC News, referring to Mr. Friedman. "There's certainly a stepped-up level of violence and we're heading into elections."
In the midst of this, many average Iraqis say they are frightened and are increasingly looking to militias for protection.
Kamal Hussein, a Shiite contractor, says he doesn't go to a job site without at least six armed bodyguards, and that his work is drying up. "I've never seen a situation like this. We have killings, people fleeing our neighborhoods, joblessness and the government has no control. They're completely failing."
He lives in the northwestern neighborhood of Shoala, a Shiite outpost surrounded by Sunni neighborhoods where the Mahdi Army of militant Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr holds sway. While he acknowledges they're a party militia, he says their presence at gas stations and street corners is welcomed by many residents of the area. "The government is talking about forcing them to disarm. But we're surrounded by terrorists. If they pull out, we're finished."
Indeed, the growing popularity of groups like the Mahdi Army, widely blamed by Sunnis for running some of the capital's most violent sectarian death squads, some of which appear to have infiltrated the police forces, is a major part of the security challenge.
On Wednesday, US forces arrested top Sadr aide Sheikh Mazen al-Saedi and five of his lieutenants, describing him as "the alleged leader of a murder and kidnapping cell" in Baghdad. But Thursday, after 5,000 Sadr supporters protested on the street, Prime Minister Maliki, a Shiite Islamist whose election hinged on support from Sadr, ordered the men released.
Upon his election, Mr. Maliki had promised to take swift action to disarm Iraq's militias, and US officials at the time said they were convinced he was sincere.
Amidst the backdrop of increasing violence, a reconciliation conference between Shiite and Sunni religious leaders is scheduled to be held in Saudi Arabia Friday. A similar meeting between the sect's leading politicians is scheduled to be held in Baghdad in early November, though that meeting has already been postponed twice.
Most Iraqi's appear skeptical that such talks will yield concrete results. "They're talking about a reconciliation conference, but it's of no use when it's clear that Iraqis now are following the interests of parties, or of their own desires, rather than the national interest," says Mustafa Rahim, a primary teacher in west Baghdad. "We have a weak and reactive government, not one with clear proposals or strategy. And that's allowing outside countries to carve up the country for their own interests."
CAIRO AND BAGHDAD – Insurgents have used the Muslim holy month Ramadan, when dawn-to-dusk fasting marks the revelation of the Koran to the prophet Muhammad, to incite one of the most violent months since the start of the Iraq war.
Thursday, a US military spokesman in Baghdad said attacks on its soldiers are up 22 percent this month, which he described as "disheartening." Ramadan ends early next week, but the US military says it does not appear to be a temporary uptick. If it continues, say analysts, it will challenge the viability of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's government and cast a long shadow over the US midterm elections in November.
E-mail this story
Write a letter to the Editor
Printer-friendly version
Permission to reprint/republish
October is already the 10th deadliest month of the war for US forces, with 11 days to go. It is on track to be the worst month for the coalition in two years.
While Muslims traditionally believe Ramadan is a time for good actions - such as feeding the poor - that general belief reflected through the lens of jihad groups like Al Qaeda, who believe God approves of their murders, inspires them to step up attacks.
The scope of Iraqi casualties during the holy month is less clear, although suicide attacks and death-squad activity does appears much higher than in preceding months. Early this week, sectarian fighting left 100 dead in Balad, 60 miles north of Baghdad. In the northern city of Mosul Thursday, six suicide bombs killed 20 Iraqis.
In Baghdad, Iraqi deaths often result from sectarian rivalries. Walking home to break his fast Wednesday evening, a resident of Baghdad's Amal neighborhood watched as two men in masks and police uniforms hopped from a car and gunned down two shopkeepers. "Why,'' he asks? "We don't ask and they don't tell."
Reporting by the US Defense Department, cited by Anthony Cordesman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, showed a ninefold increase in violent sectarian incidents and a fourfold increase in Iraqi casualties between last year's Ramadan and the end of July.
Since July, anecdotal reporting shows a mounting death toll. The Iraq Coalition Casualty website, which relies on press reports for the Iraqi death toll, shows August and September to be the two deadliest months of the war for Iraqis, with a minimum of 6,500 killed. October appears to be headed for another record.
Mr. Cordesman, the former director of intelligence assessment for the US Defense Secretary, writes in an Oct. 19 report that, "Iraq is already in a state of serious civil war, and current efforts at political compromise and improving security at best are buying time. There is a critical risk that Iraq will drift into a major civil conflict over the coming months, see its present government fail, and/or divide or separate in some form."
As the death toll rises, comparisons to the Vietnam War are appearing again. The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman wrote this week that violence in Iraq poses "the Jihadist equivalent of the Tet Offensive,'' referring to the massive North Vietnamese and Viet Cong assault that began in January 1968 and ended with few strategic gains for the North. It badly shook American confidence of ultimate victory in Vietnam, and led then-President Lyndon Johnson to abandon his reelection bid.
But the violence or structure of the Iraq war does not mirror Vietnam, note historians. In that war, organized battalions of opponents overran key US and South Vietnamese positions only to be pushed back later.
Instead, the nature of Iraq's diffuse sectarian war is not about clearing and holding territory, but much more about spreading the fear that is contributing to the cleansing of Shiites and Sunnis from each others' strongholds.
Nevertheless, President Bush did admit a Tet Offensive parallel in that the violence may have an impact on US elections.
"He could be right,'' Mr. Bush told ABC News, referring to Mr. Friedman. "There's certainly a stepped-up level of violence and we're heading into elections."
In the midst of this, many average Iraqis say they are frightened and are increasingly looking to militias for protection.
Kamal Hussein, a Shiite contractor, says he doesn't go to a job site without at least six armed bodyguards, and that his work is drying up. "I've never seen a situation like this. We have killings, people fleeing our neighborhoods, joblessness and the government has no control. They're completely failing."
He lives in the northwestern neighborhood of Shoala, a Shiite outpost surrounded by Sunni neighborhoods where the Mahdi Army of militant Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr holds sway. While he acknowledges they're a party militia, he says their presence at gas stations and street corners is welcomed by many residents of the area. "The government is talking about forcing them to disarm. But we're surrounded by terrorists. If they pull out, we're finished."
Indeed, the growing popularity of groups like the Mahdi Army, widely blamed by Sunnis for running some of the capital's most violent sectarian death squads, some of which appear to have infiltrated the police forces, is a major part of the security challenge.
On Wednesday, US forces arrested top Sadr aide Sheikh Mazen al-Saedi and five of his lieutenants, describing him as "the alleged leader of a murder and kidnapping cell" in Baghdad. But Thursday, after 5,000 Sadr supporters protested on the street, Prime Minister Maliki, a Shiite Islamist whose election hinged on support from Sadr, ordered the men released.
Upon his election, Mr. Maliki had promised to take swift action to disarm Iraq's militias, and US officials at the time said they were convinced he was sincere.
Amidst the backdrop of increasing violence, a reconciliation conference between Shiite and Sunni religious leaders is scheduled to be held in Saudi Arabia Friday. A similar meeting between the sect's leading politicians is scheduled to be held in Baghdad in early November, though that meeting has already been postponed twice.
Most Iraqi's appear skeptical that such talks will yield concrete results. "They're talking about a reconciliation conference, but it's of no use when it's clear that Iraqis now are following the interests of parties, or of their own desires, rather than the national interest," says Mustafa Rahim, a primary teacher in west Baghdad. "We have a weak and reactive government, not one with clear proposals or strategy. And that's allowing outside countries to carve up the country for their own interests."
华盛顿邮报,BBC的偶尔也上,可是气人的,很多新闻都是要付费的,就能看个开头
再来篇关于中国的
Beijing's graft inquiry reins in Shanghai 'clique'
SHANGHAI, CHINA – With its rooftop turrets and fancy brickwork, the Moller Villa is a throwback to the Roaring '20s, when the treaty port of Shanghai, China, was a byword for speculative excess. Built by an Englishman, the Norwegian-style hotel now rents luxury suites to foreign bankers lured by the promise of China's new bull market.
But since August, when it abruptly closed its doors to the public for "refurbishment," a different kind of drama has unfolded behind its high walls. Investigators from the Communist Party's disciplinary committee have turned the hotel into their temporary headquarters as they probe a blossoming financial scandal that has already snared Shanghai's political boss and some of his closest business allies.
EVER HIGHER: Cranes hover over Shanghai, where party officials have attracted scrutiny from Beijing.
AP
Reporters on
the Job
The Monitor gives the story behind the story.
In the Monitor
Friday, 10/20/06
The fact that Shanghai has been tarred is no coincidence, say political analysts. The probe plays to the strengths of President Hu Jintao as he seeks to define his leadership and consolidate his power.
Mr. Hu is keen to marginalize opponents loyal to his predecessor, Jiang Zemin, who packed the party's ranks with officials from his powerbase in Shanghai.
Chen Liangyu, the party boss dismissed last month, was a member of this "Shanghai clique," and his removal could prefigure a wider purge ahead of a crucial party congress next year.
More arrests are expected to follow in what has become China's biggest graft case in a decade and a pressure point for reformers intent on curbing the cronyism shadowed by Shanghai's red-hot economy.
Last week, the party's central committee held a meeting on "building a harmonious society," the favored slogan for easing the tensions stoked by a yawning gap between China's haves and have-nots.
"The central government is giving a strong signal against corruption. We have to slow down, and we have to have equity before efficiency," says Larry Lang, a US-educated economist and former talk-show host in Shanghai.
Under Mr. Jiang, who retired in 2002, Shanghai rapidly regained its pre- communist reputation as China's most business-friendly and cosmopolitan city. Tax perks and 21st-century infrastructure brought in foreign investors, and urban redevelopment tied the architectural heritage of its past to a space-age vision of its future. Officials had a hotline to Beijing, which touted Shanghai as a showcase commercial city.
"Other provinces were jealous of Shanghai. They asked, how come they get so much support from Beijing?" says Zhang Jun, director of the China Center for Economic Studies at Fudan University in Shanghai.
That support is waning with the ascendancy of Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao, neither of whom have political ties to Shanghai. Their emphasis on social welfare and more equitable development is a shift from the go-for-broke growth that lit up Shanghai's skyline. China's rust belt northeast may be the beneficiary: Tianjin recently beat Shanghai in a bid to host an assembly line for European airplane maker Airbus.
More broadly, China's leaders are trying to rein in city and provincial leaders who increasingly thumb their nose at party directives on sustainable growth. Officials in Inner Mongolia Province were criticized this year for building a $365-million power plant without permission, then ignoring a direct order to stop its construction.
"It's not just about Shanghai. It's about the balance of power. If you look back in Chinese history, it's always a challenge for the center to deal with regions that have grown too powerful, wealthy, and independent," says Qin Shao, a history professor at the College of New Jersey in Ewing.
Mr. Chen, the disgraced party boss, hasn't been formally charged. State media have reported that he is accused of diverting city pension money to invest in risky private ventures, including a toll-road operator. Investigators have detained Zhang Rongkun, the owner of the toll-road company, who was last year named as China's 16th-richest man by Forbes magazine, along with other prominent politicians and businessmen.
Chen, who was Shanghai's mayor before his promotion to party secretary, had survived earlier graft scandals at city hall, gaining a Teflon reputation. When Mr. Lang, the talk-show host, began airing allegations in January of the misuse of pension funds, his show was pulled from state-run television. The official reason: Lang wasn't speaking in the correct dialect of Mandarin.
But the net quickly closed in on Chen after the arrest of the director of social security in August for alleged embezzlement. Last month he was dismissed from his post and suspended from the national Politburo.
Few details have emerged of how Shanghai's $1.2 billion pension fund was plundered. One sector of the economy that benefited, however, was real estate.
Property prices have skyrocketed over the past decade, as huge tracts of this densely packed city of 17 million people have been turned over to developers for urban renewal. Bulldozers have reduced old neighborhoods to rubble, ready to rise again as glass-clad condos.
This speculative real-estate boom has created winners - and losers. Among the latter are residents forced to move with minimal compensation to make way for the rich and connected, creating the kind of anger and resentment that is brushwood for the protests that China's leaders are struggling to contain.
In recent weeks, disgruntled property owners have gathered to vent their frustration, seizing on the pensions scandal to demand justice. A separate group of pensioners has also stepped up their campaign for better treatment.
"China's economic development is at a huge human and social price," warns Ms. Shao, of the College of New Jersey, who is writing a book on Shanghai's urban redevelopment. "Without a well-enforced legal framework to protect the powerless, the process has generated a great deal of grievances, and the center is feeling the pressure."
As Shanghai falls from favor, its buoyant economy may undergo a correction as more resources are redirected to China's poorer provinces. A ban on foreigners buying real estate is already cooling Shanghai's property market - though not the relocation of a further 18,000 households for construction ahead of the 2010 World Expo. Local businessmen are betting that whoever takes charge will want the city to keep growing.
Shanghai's boosters say that after the fuss dies down, its world-class infrastructure, strategic location, and hardwired capitalist ethos will prove hard to beat. "Once you remove the corrupt officials, Shanghai is still moving forward. It's in the blood. Shanghai people are entrepreneurs, and you can't take that away," says Lang.
再来篇关于中国的
Beijing's graft inquiry reins in Shanghai 'clique'
SHANGHAI, CHINA – With its rooftop turrets and fancy brickwork, the Moller Villa is a throwback to the Roaring '20s, when the treaty port of Shanghai, China, was a byword for speculative excess. Built by an Englishman, the Norwegian-style hotel now rents luxury suites to foreign bankers lured by the promise of China's new bull market.
But since August, when it abruptly closed its doors to the public for "refurbishment," a different kind of drama has unfolded behind its high walls. Investigators from the Communist Party's disciplinary committee have turned the hotel into their temporary headquarters as they probe a blossoming financial scandal that has already snared Shanghai's political boss and some of his closest business allies.
EVER HIGHER: Cranes hover over Shanghai, where party officials have attracted scrutiny from Beijing.
AP
Reporters on
the Job
The Monitor gives the story behind the story.
In the Monitor
Friday, 10/20/06
The fact that Shanghai has been tarred is no coincidence, say political analysts. The probe plays to the strengths of President Hu Jintao as he seeks to define his leadership and consolidate his power.
Mr. Hu is keen to marginalize opponents loyal to his predecessor, Jiang Zemin, who packed the party's ranks with officials from his powerbase in Shanghai.
Chen Liangyu, the party boss dismissed last month, was a member of this "Shanghai clique," and his removal could prefigure a wider purge ahead of a crucial party congress next year.
More arrests are expected to follow in what has become China's biggest graft case in a decade and a pressure point for reformers intent on curbing the cronyism shadowed by Shanghai's red-hot economy.
Last week, the party's central committee held a meeting on "building a harmonious society," the favored slogan for easing the tensions stoked by a yawning gap between China's haves and have-nots.
"The central government is giving a strong signal against corruption. We have to slow down, and we have to have equity before efficiency," says Larry Lang, a US-educated economist and former talk-show host in Shanghai.
Under Mr. Jiang, who retired in 2002, Shanghai rapidly regained its pre- communist reputation as China's most business-friendly and cosmopolitan city. Tax perks and 21st-century infrastructure brought in foreign investors, and urban redevelopment tied the architectural heritage of its past to a space-age vision of its future. Officials had a hotline to Beijing, which touted Shanghai as a showcase commercial city.
"Other provinces were jealous of Shanghai. They asked, how come they get so much support from Beijing?" says Zhang Jun, director of the China Center for Economic Studies at Fudan University in Shanghai.
That support is waning with the ascendancy of Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao, neither of whom have political ties to Shanghai. Their emphasis on social welfare and more equitable development is a shift from the go-for-broke growth that lit up Shanghai's skyline. China's rust belt northeast may be the beneficiary: Tianjin recently beat Shanghai in a bid to host an assembly line for European airplane maker Airbus.
More broadly, China's leaders are trying to rein in city and provincial leaders who increasingly thumb their nose at party directives on sustainable growth. Officials in Inner Mongolia Province were criticized this year for building a $365-million power plant without permission, then ignoring a direct order to stop its construction.
"It's not just about Shanghai. It's about the balance of power. If you look back in Chinese history, it's always a challenge for the center to deal with regions that have grown too powerful, wealthy, and independent," says Qin Shao, a history professor at the College of New Jersey in Ewing.
Mr. Chen, the disgraced party boss, hasn't been formally charged. State media have reported that he is accused of diverting city pension money to invest in risky private ventures, including a toll-road operator. Investigators have detained Zhang Rongkun, the owner of the toll-road company, who was last year named as China's 16th-richest man by Forbes magazine, along with other prominent politicians and businessmen.
Chen, who was Shanghai's mayor before his promotion to party secretary, had survived earlier graft scandals at city hall, gaining a Teflon reputation. When Mr. Lang, the talk-show host, began airing allegations in January of the misuse of pension funds, his show was pulled from state-run television. The official reason: Lang wasn't speaking in the correct dialect of Mandarin.
But the net quickly closed in on Chen after the arrest of the director of social security in August for alleged embezzlement. Last month he was dismissed from his post and suspended from the national Politburo.
Few details have emerged of how Shanghai's $1.2 billion pension fund was plundered. One sector of the economy that benefited, however, was real estate.
Property prices have skyrocketed over the past decade, as huge tracts of this densely packed city of 17 million people have been turned over to developers for urban renewal. Bulldozers have reduced old neighborhoods to rubble, ready to rise again as glass-clad condos.
This speculative real-estate boom has created winners - and losers. Among the latter are residents forced to move with minimal compensation to make way for the rich and connected, creating the kind of anger and resentment that is brushwood for the protests that China's leaders are struggling to contain.
In recent weeks, disgruntled property owners have gathered to vent their frustration, seizing on the pensions scandal to demand justice. A separate group of pensioners has also stepped up their campaign for better treatment.
"China's economic development is at a huge human and social price," warns Ms. Shao, of the College of New Jersey, who is writing a book on Shanghai's urban redevelopment. "Without a well-enforced legal framework to protect the powerless, the process has generated a great deal of grievances, and the center is feeling the pressure."
As Shanghai falls from favor, its buoyant economy may undergo a correction as more resources are redirected to China's poorer provinces. A ban on foreigners buying real estate is already cooling Shanghai's property market - though not the relocation of a further 18,000 households for construction ahead of the 2010 World Expo. Local businessmen are betting that whoever takes charge will want the city to keep growing.
Shanghai's boosters say that after the fuss dies down, its world-class infrastructure, strategic location, and hardwired capitalist ethos will prove hard to beat. "Once you remove the corrupt officials, Shanghai is still moving forward. It's in the blood. Shanghai people are entrepreneurs, and you can't take that away," says Lang.
不同的地方不一样吧，不过我有自己的通道，这冲封锁除了给我制造麻烦，让我经常问候其主要负责人的亲属之外，没有任何用处。
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:L 没用什么代理之类的,用的是联通的无线上网,直接上.
和谐社会，必然更加宽容对待不同意见。
民主法制是保障！
不同的声音能让决策者客观冷静,对大家都有好处.
:D :D :D
:D :D :D