“自由战士”的真面目：阿勒颇叛军大起底-路透社最新特 ...

Special Report: Syria's Islamists seize control as moderates dither
特别报道：叙利亚伊斯兰分子掌握控制权，而温和派被边缘化

An Islamist member holds up a flag in protest of Bashar al-Assad February 25, 2013 (photo: Reuters - Khalil Ashawi)
[6/20/2013 9:02:53 AM]
By Oliver Holmes and Alexander Dziadosz ALEPPO, Syria | Wed Jun 19, 2013 2:45pm IST
ALEPPO (Reuters) - As the Syrian civil war got under way, a former electrician who calls himself Sheikh Omar built up a brigade of rebel fighters. In two years of struggle against President Bashar al-Assad, they came to number 2,000 men, he said, here in the northern city of Aleppo. Then, virtually overnight, they collapsed.
路透社阿勒颇电---随着叙利亚内战的进行，一位名叫SHEIKH OMAR的前电工技师曾经组建了一个旅的叛军。在与阿萨德总统的两年的作战中，他们在北部城市阿勒颇一度发展到了2000人。 现在，实际上是一夜之间，他们的队伍垮了。

Omar's group, Ghurabaa al-Sham, wasn't defeated by the government. It was dismantled by a rival band of revolutionaries - hardline Islamists.
奥马尔的队伍，名字叫GHURABAA AL-SHAM，意思是“叙利亚的外国人”。他们不是被政府军击败的，而是被革命队伍中的对头—强硬的伊斯兰分子解散的。
Islamists moved against them at the beginning of May. After three days of sporadic clashes Omar's more moderate fighters, accused by the Islamists of looting, caved in and dispersed, according to local residents. Omar said the end came swiftly.
5月初，伊斯兰分子开始对付他们。根据当地居民介绍，奥马尔的战士受到伊斯兰分子的指控，称他们犯有抢劫罪。经过了3天零星的交火，他们投降了，被解散了。奥马尔说，结局来得太快了。
The Islamists confiscated the brigade's weapons, ammunition and cars, Omar said. "They considered this war loot. Maybe they think we are competitors," he said. "We have no idea about their goals. What we have built in two years disappeared in a single day."
伊斯兰分子没收了该旅的武器、弹药和汽车。“他们决定战争就是劫掠。也许他们觉得我们是他们的竞争对手，”奥马尔说道。“我们不知道他们的目标。我们两年里建造的一切，一天之内就消失个干净。”

The group was effectively marginalized in the struggle to overthrow Syria's President Bashar al-Assad. Around 100 fighters are all that remain of his force, Omar said.
这个旅实际上在与巴萨尔阿萨德总统的作战中被边缘化了。奥马尔说，他现在的人马只有约100人了。

It's a pattern repeated elsewhere in the country. During a 10-day journey through rebel-held territory in Syria, Reuters journalists found that radical Islamist units are sidelining more moderate groups that do not share the Islamists' goal of establishing a supreme religious leadership in the country.
在这个国家，这种事情反复上演。在叛军控制的地区10天的旅行期间，路透社记者们发现，激进的伊斯兰部队正在边缘化较为温和的组织。后者与他们要在这个国家建立一个最高宗教权利领导层的目标不一致。

The moderates, often underfunded, fragmented and chaotic, appear no match for Islamist units, which include fighters from organizations designated "terrorist" by the United States.
温和派常常资金不足，分散而杂乱，似乎无法对抗伊斯兰武装。后者的战士包括来自被美国成为恐怖分子的组织。
The Islamist ascendancy has amplified the sectarian nature of the war between Sunni Muslim rebels and the Shi'ite supporters of Assad. It also presents a barrier to the original democratic aims of the revolt and calls into question whether the United States, which announced practical support for the rebels last week, can ensure supplies of weapons go only to groups friendly to the West.
伊斯兰主义的影响放大了战争双方逊尼派叛军和阿萨德什叶派支持者之间的教派冲突性质。这种影响阻碍了起义的最初的民主目标的实现。同时，它还引发这样的问题，是否美国能够确保武器援助只落入对西方友好的人手中。美国上一周刚刚宣布要给予叛军援助。
World powers fear weapons could reach hardline Islamist groups that wish to create an Islamic mini-state within a crescent of rebel-held territory from the Mediterranean in the west to the desert border with Iraq.
世界各大国均担心为期会落入强硬的伊斯兰组织手中，后者希望在西起地中海、东至叙伊沙漠边境之间，建立一个叛军控制的、新月形状的伊斯兰小国。
That prospect is also alarming for many in Syria, from minority Christians, Alawites and Shi'ites to tolerant Sunni Muslims, who are concerned that this alliance would try to impose Taliban-style rule.
对许多现在还身处叙利亚的人来说，前景也不乐观。他们中有少数派的基督徒、阿拉维派和什叶派，以及宽容的逊尼派穆斯林。他们担心，这个组织会试图建立类似塔利班那样的政权。

REPROBATES AND OUTLAWS 恶棍与罪犯
Syria's war began with peaceful protests against Assad in March 2011 and turned into an armed rebellion a few months later following a deadly crackdown. Most of the rebel groups in Syria were formed locally and have little coordination with others. The country is dotted with bands made up of army defectors, farmers, engineers and even former criminals.
叙利亚战争开始于2011年针对阿萨德进行的和平SHI W EI(此处关键字，卡住发不了稿。译者注)。在遭受到严酷镇压的几个月后，它就变为武装反叛。
Many pledge allegiance to the notion of a unified Free Syrian Army (FSA). But on the ground there is little evidence to suggest the FSA actually exists as a body at all.
许多发誓效忠一个联合的叙利亚自由军。但是，现实中几乎没有证据表明自由军作为一个实体存在。
Sheikh Omar told the story of his brigade while sitting in a cramped room at his headquarters, a small one-storey building surrounded by olive tree fields in Aleppo province. Wrapped around his chest he wore a leather bandolier that held two pistols, grips pointing outwards, ready to be drawn by crossing his arms.
坐在他的司令部里一个狭小的房间，SHEIKH奥马尔讲述了他的旅的故事。这是一个阿勒颇省特有的橄榄田环绕的2称楼房。他胸前戴着子弹带，插着两把手枪，枪把朝外，一副随时交叉手臂拔枪的架势。
He said he was from a poor background in rural Aleppo province. When he and a handful of others had started a rebel group to oppose Assad, fear had made it hard to recruit. The rich and law-abiding were scared. Only outlaws and reprobates would join him at first.
他说，他来自阿勒颇省一个贫穷的地方。当他和一小拨其他人开始成立反叛队伍反对阿萨德的时候，由于人们的恐惧，他很难招到人马。富人和守法的人都很害怕。一开始，只有罪犯和恶棍愿意加入队伍。
"We were looking for good people. But who was willing to work for me and help me? Those who used to go to bars, to fight with people and steal. Those are the people who allied with me and fought against the regime." As he spoke some of his remaining fighters tried to interject; he silenced them, saying he wanted to be honest.
“我们当时也在招募好人。但是有谁愿意为我工作帮助我呢？只有那些经常去酒吧的人，爱打架的人和偷盗的人。只有这种人才会与我结盟，与政府打仗。”当他在说话的时候，剩下的几个战士想插嘴，他让他们安静，说他只想说实话。
LOOTING劫掠
Ghurabaa al-Sham started with modest aims, Omar said. They would enter small police stations and negotiate a handover of weapons in return for free passage out of the area for the police.
他说，GHURABAA AL-SHAM队伍一开始目标很低。他们进入警察局，与警察谈判要一些武器，换取警察撤出这个区域。
But their numbers grew to 2,000 men, he said, and they fought battles to take border posts with Turkey and were one of the first rebel brigades to move into Aleppo, Syria's most populous city with 2.5 million inhabitants.
但是，他们后来发展到了2000人。他们经过战斗夺取了与土耳其接壤的边境哨所。他们是第一批进入阿勒颇的叛军队伍。这是叙利亚人口最多的城市，约250万人口。
More than half of the city fell to the rebels, but Assad's army pushed back, fighting street by street for months. A stalemate ensued. Very little progress has been made from either side for almost a year.
阿勒颇一多半的地盘落入叛军手中，但是阿萨德的部队进行了反击，数月内逐街争夺。后来发展到了僵局。差不多一年时间里，双方几乎都没有取得进展。
Where the government forces did cede ground, Aleppo's residents did not welcome the rebels with open arms. Most fighters were poor rural people from the countryside and the residents of Aleppo say they stole. Omar acknowledged this happened.
在政府军退出的地方，当地居民并不热情欢迎叛军。大多是战士来自贫穷的乡下，阿勒颇当地人说他们时常偷东西。奥马尔承认此事发生过。
"Our members in Aleppo were stealing openly. Others stole everything and were taking Syria's goods to sell outside the country. I was against any bad action committed by Ghurabaa al-Sham. However, things happened and opinion turned against us," he said as his men squirmed in their seats, uncomfortable with his words.
“我们在阿勒颇的队员公开盗窃。有些人什么都偷，把叙利亚的东西拿到外国去。我反对任何GHURABAA AL-SHAM做下的坏事儿。但是，事情总是发生，别人对我们开始另眼相看了。”他说这话的时候，他的战士在座位上身体扭动着，为他的话感觉很不自在。
Ghurabaa al-Sham was not the only group to take the law into its own hands. In Salqin, a town in Idlib province bordering Turkey, fighters from a rebel brigade called the Falcons of Salqin have set up checkpoints at the entrances to the town.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM不是唯一一支实行执法的队伍。在伊德利卜与土耳其接壤的一个叫SALQIN的城市，来自一个名叫SALQIN之鹰的旅的战士在进程通道上建立的检查站。
Abu Naim Jamjoom, deputy commander of the brigade, said the rebels take a cut of any produce - food, fuel or other merchandise - that enters Salqin. The goods are distributed to the town's residents, he said, but some rebel groups steal this "tax" for themselves.
该旅副旅长ABU NAIM JAMJOOM说，叛军队伍会对进入SALQIN的物资抽取一部分，包括食物、燃料或其它大宗商品。然后将物资分发给城中居民。但是，有些叛军偷“税”以肥自己。
Part of the problem is that the rebel groups are poorly equipped and badly coordinated. Jamjoom said he had 45 men with guns and two homemade mortar launchers but was desperately low on ammunition. "Everything we have has been looted from the regime," he said, echoing the response of most rebel commanders when asked if they have received any outside support.
这个问题的部分原因是，叛军队伍装备很差，缺少协调。JAMJOOM说，他有45个带枪的战士、2门自制迫击炮发射器。但是弹药奇缺。当被问到是否接受过外国的支援时，他说，“我们拥有的一切都是从政府那里抢来的。”
Jamjoom, who wore a blue camouflaged outfit and kept a grenade in his left pocket, said he had registered his group with the Supreme Military Council, a body set up by the U.S.-backed Syrian National Coalition of opposition groups to help coordinate rebel units.
JAMJOOM，身穿一件蓝色迷彩服，左口袋里装着一枚手雷。他说他想最高军事委员会登记过他的队伍。最高军事委员会是由美国支持的叙利亚全国联盟成立的，目的是协调各个叛军队伍。
"We haven't received any help from the military council," Jamjoom said, drinking sweet tea on the balcony of his headquarters, the house of a pro-Assad dignitary who had fled the area. "We have to depend on ourselves. I am my own mother, you could say."
JAMJOOM说，“我们从没有得到来自这个委员会的帮助。”在他的司令部的阳台上，一边喝着甜茶，一边聊着。这曾是亲阿萨德的一位高官的房子，后来他逃跑了。“我们只能靠自己。反正我是我自己的娘。”
He tugged at his uniform. "I bought this myself, with my money," he said. He also said his group buys weapons from other brigades, "from those who have extra." Weapons trading by rebel groups raises the risk that arms supplied by Western powers may fall into the hands of Islamist groups.
他扯了扯自己的制服，说道，“这身是我自己买的，我自己的钱。”他还说，他的队伍只能从其他旅那里买武器。“从那些有富余武器的人手里。”叛军队伍之间交易武器的做法加大了西方国家支援的武器落入伊斯兰派别手中的风险。
Western officials say military aid will be channeled through the Supreme Military Council. A Western security source told Reuters the council is trying to gain credibility, but as yet it has little or no authority.
西方官员说，军事援助将会通过渠道送往最高军事委员会手。一位西方负责安全的人告诉路透社记者，该委员会正试图获得更多的信任。但是但现在为止，它既没有获得信任，也没有什么权威。
Meanwhile, Jamjoom and his men were largely staying around Salqin, low on ammunition and low on energy. Inside the mansion they have commandeered, rebels lazed about on the gaudy fake-gold furniture in a room full of books, including religious texts and a copy of "The Oxford Companion to English Literature."
同时，JAMJOOM和他的手下主要驻扎在SALQIN周边，因此弹药量很少和士气低落。在这座充当指挥部的大宅子里，叛军在一个装着俗气的假的黄金家具的房间里走来走去。这个房间里到处是书籍，其中有宗教课本和一本《牛津英国文学指南》的书。
ISLAMIST ARBITERS伊斯兰法庭
The Islamists are more energetic and better organized. The main two hardline groups to emerge in Syria are Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat al-Nusra, an al Qaeda offshoot that has claimed responsibility for dozens of suicide bombings, including several in Damascus in which civilians were killed.
伊斯兰分子精力更加旺盛，有着较好的组织。叙利亚出现的两个主要的强硬组织是伊斯兰运动和胜利阵线，后者是基地组织的分支机构，声称对数十起自杀炸弹负责。其中包括在大马士革的几次爆炸事件，造成了平民死亡。
But Islamist fighters, dressed in black cotton with long Sunni-style beards, have developed a reputation for being principled. Dozens of residents living in areas of rebel-held territory across northern Syria told Reuters the same thing, whether they agreed with the politics of Jabhat al-Nusra or not: the Islamists do not steal.
这些伊斯兰战士，身穿黑色棉布衣，留着逊尼派风格的大胡子，因原则性强而富有盛名。在叙利亚北部叛军控制的地区生活几十个居民，不管是否认可胜利阵线的政治取向，他们告诉路透社记者同样的事情：伊斯兰分子的确不偷东西。
Aaron Zelin, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy who researches Islamic militants, said the main reason groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar al-Sham have become popular is because of the social provisions they supply. "They are fair arbiters and not corrupt."
AARON ZELIN, 一个来自华盛顿的近东政策研究所研究员，研究了伊斯兰武装分子。他说，胜利阵线和伊斯兰运动受到欢迎的原因是他们提供的物资。“他们是公平的仲裁人，从不堕落。”
In Aleppo four Islamist brigades, including Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar al-Sham, have taken over the role of government and are providing civilians with day-to-day necessities. They have also created a court based on Islamic religious laws, or sharia.
在阿勒颇，包括胜利阵线和伊斯兰运动在内，有4支伊斯兰旅。他们接管了政府职能，向居民们提供日常生活用品。他们还建立以伊斯兰宗教法为基础的法庭，即SHARIA。
The Aleppans call it "the Authority" and it governs anything from crimes of murder and rape to business disputes and distributing bread and water around the city. The power of such courts is growing, Authority members and rebels said, and is enforced by a body called the "Revolutionary Military Police."
阿勒颇人称这个法庭为“当局”。法庭可以决定任何事情，从谋杀到强奸，再到商业纠纷，以及向城里分配面包和饮用水。“当局”成员和叛军人士都说，这样的法庭的权利在扩大，而且由一个名叫“革命宪兵”的机构执法。
At the police's headquarters, a five-storey building surrounded with sandbags, a large placard outside read: "Syrian Islamic Liberation Front." It referred to a union of several Islamist brigades, forged in October 2012, which seeks to bring together disparate fighting groups. Its Islamist emphasis has already alienated some other fighters.
它的司令部在一个四周是沙袋包围的2层建筑内。有一个大牌子写道：“叙利亚伊斯兰解放阵线。”它是指成立与2012年10月的由几个伊斯兰旅组成的联盟。该联盟致力于团结各个分散的作战组织。它的伊斯兰性质让一些战士疏远。
The head of the Aleppo branch of the Revolutionary Military Police, Abu Ahmed Rahman, comes from Liwa al-Tawhid, the largest rebel force in Aleppo. Ostensibly al-Tawhid has pledged its support for the U.S.-recognized Syrian National Coalition, but its role in the Authority alongside Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat al-Nusra shows an alliance with more radical groups.
“革命宪兵”的阿勒颇分支的头目，ABU AHMED RAHMAN，来自统一旅（LIWA AL-TAWHID）。这是阿勒颇最大的一支叛军。表面上看，统一旅承诺支持美国认可的叙利亚全国联盟，但是它和伊斯兰运动和胜利阵线一起在“当局”的作用表明，这个联盟包含了更多的激进组织。

As Rahman sat at a large desk on the ground floor, people rushed in and out, asking him to stamp and sign documents. He said that the worst problem the police had encountered so far was with Ghurabaa al-Sham, who had clashed with a sub-division of Liwa al-Tahwid for control of Aleppo's industrial city, a complex of factories and office blocks sprawling over 4,000 hectares on the north-east outskirts of the city.
当RAHMAN坐在底层的一个大桌子前，人们进进出出，不停地问他盖章签字。他说，宪兵到目前遇到的最棘手的问题是与GHURABAA ALSHAM的关系。后者与统一旅的一个分支为争夺阿勒颇的工业区（一批工厂和写字楼，占地4000公顷，位于阿勒颇城东北郊区）爆发了冲突。
"Ghurabaa al-Sham fighters were annoying people, looting," he said. The industrial area offered plenty of plunder. Residents of Aleppo said rebels found machinery and equipment in the factories that could be sold in Turkey.
他说，“GHURABAA AL-SHAM的士兵总是骚扰百姓，他们抢东西。”这个工业区提供了大量的劫掠品。阿勒颇的居民说，叛军在工厂找到了机器，可以卖到土耳其。
Rahman said the Authority summoned Ghurabaa al-Sham to a hearing but they didn't show up. "Then all the brigades went to get them. Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and other rebel units," he said.
RAHMAN说，“当局”通知GHURABAA AL-SHAM 参加一个听证会，但是他们没有露面。“结果所有旅都出去找他们。有胜利阵线、伊斯兰运动和其它叛军部队。”
Abu Baraa, an employee at the Authority, said: "We gathered a lot of people with guns and everything. We went to the industrial city and we arrested everyone who was there. Then we did the interrogation. Those who did not steal were set free, and the others were put in prison.
ABU BARAA，是一个在“当局”工作的雇员。他说，“我们召集了许多人，都带着枪和一切东西。我们来到工业区，逮捕了那里的所有人。然后我们进行了审讯。没有偷东西的人被释放了。其他人则被关了起来。”
"Before this Sharia Authority, every brigade did whatever it wanted. Now they have to ask for everything. We are in charge now, God willing. We are the supervisors. If you do something wrong, you will be punished."
“在伊斯兰法庭成立之前，每个旅都可以为所欲为。现在，他们必须提出申请。我们现在接管了，这是真主的意愿。我们就是监督人。如果你做了坏事，你就会收到惩罚。”
A POWER STRUGGLE 权利之争
Members of Ghurabaa al-Sham gave a different version of events and have a different world view. "Why is the Sharia Authority allowed to control us? We didn't elect them," said Abdul-Fatah al-Sakhouri, who works in the media center for Ghurabaa al-Sham, an old taxi station in Aleppo where he and some other fighters upload videos of battles against the Syrian army onto YouTube.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM的成员则给出了事情的不同版本和不同看法。“为什么伊斯兰法庭被允许控制我们？我们又没有选举他们。”在GHURABAA AL-SHAM媒体中心工作的ABDUL-FATAH AL-SAKHOURI说道。媒体中心位于阿勒颇一个旧的出租车站，他和其它战士正在向YOUTUBE上载战斗视频。
Al-Sakhouri, previously a mathematics teacher, said the head of the Ghurabaa al-Sham unit in the industrial city had gone to the Authority to sort out the dispute. "Commander Hassan Jazera was there for three hours and then left. It shows that they didn't arrest him and there were no real charges against us," he said.
AL-SAKHOURI以前是一位数学教师。他说，GHURABAA AL-SHAM在工业区的头已经去“当局”去厘清纠纷去了。他说，“指挥官HASSAN JAZERA 在那里待了3小时，然后就离开了。这说明他们没有逮捕他，也没有对我们的真正指控。”
The dispute, Ghurabaa al-Sham fighters said, was really about power. They said their brigade, made up of fighters ranging from Islamists to secularists but all in favor of a civilian state, was not part of the Islamist alliance formed between Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and Liwa al-Tawhid.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM的士兵说，这次纠纷实际上是争权。他们说，他们的旅既有伊斯兰分子，也有世俗人士构成，但是所有人都赞成成立一个世俗国家。他们不是胜利阵线、伊斯兰运动和统一旅组成的伊斯兰联盟的一部分。
Another member of Ghurbaa al-Sham, who called himself Omar, said the Islamist alliance wanted to weaken his group because it disagrees with Islamist ideology and seeks democracy.
GHURBAA AL-SHAM的另一个成员，名字也叫奥马尔。他说，伊斯兰联盟想削弱他们的旅，因为在意识形态上有分歧，他们追求民主。
Illustrating his fear of Islamist cultural restrictions, Omar said he was a fan of the American heavy metal band Metallica and pulled out a mobile phone to show a Metallica music video. The 24-year-old said Syrian businessmen once promised millions of dollars to bring Metallica to Aleppo but, in the end, the government rejected the plan.
奥马尔表现出了对伊斯兰文化限制的恐惧，他说，他是美国重金属乐队金属乐队的粉丝。然后他拿出手机，播放了一条金属乐队的视频。这个24岁年轻人说，叙利亚商人曾经许诺支付几百万美元邀请金属乐队来阿勒颇。结果，当时的政府否决了这个计划。
"Jabhat al-Nusra wouldn't want this either," he said.
他说，“胜利阵线也不会同意的。”
So far the Islamist groups have been the ones to attract outside support, mostly from private Sunni Muslim backers in Saudi Arabia, according to fighters in Syria.
迄今为止，伊斯兰组织成了吸引外部支持的队伍了。援助主要来自在沙特的逊尼派私人支持者。
With the help of battle-hardened Sunni Iraqis, these groups have been able to gain recruits. "They had military capabilities. They are actually organized and have command and control," said Zelin of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
有了善战的伊拉克逊尼派的帮助，这些组织就能够招募人员。“华盛顿的近东政策研究所的ZELIN说，“他们以前拥有军事本领。他们现在实际上在组织、指挥和控制。”
As moderate rebel groups dithered, so did their backers outside the country. Bickering among the political opposition, a collection of political exiles who have spent many years outside Syria, also presented a problem for the United States about whether there would be a coherent transition to a new government if Assad fell.
随着温和叛军组织的衰退，他们在这个国家外部的支持者也会衰退。在各个政治对手中间争吵过程中，一些曾经在叙利亚度过了许多年的政治流亡者也会把问题提交给美国，如果阿萨德下台，是否将会有一个向着新政府的稳定过渡。
But most importantly, Western powers fear that if weapons are delivered to Syrian rebels, there would be few guarantees they would not end up with radical Islamist groups, such as Jabhat al-Nusra, who might one day use them against Western interests.
但是，最重要的是，西方国家担心，如果武器交到叛军手里，几乎没有把握能保证它们不会流入到向胜利阵线这样的激进的伊斯兰组织手里，该组织从而用它们来对付西方。
The moderates are losing ground. In many parts of rebel-held Aleppo, the red, black and green revolutionary flag which represents more moderate elements has been replaced with the black Islamic flag. Small shops selling black headbands, conservative clothing and black balaclavas have popped up around the city and their business is booming.
温和派正在失去地位。在阿勒颇许多叛军控制的地盘上，代表着更多温和元素的红黑绿的革命旗帜已经被黑色的伊斯兰旗帜取代。出售黑色头带、保守服饰和黑色盔式线帽的小商店子在这个城市涌现，他们的生意也在扩大。
Reuters met several Islamist fighters who had left more moderate rebel brigades for hardline groups. One member of Ahrar al-Sham, who would only speak on condition of anonymity, said: "I used to be with the Free Syrian Army but they were always thinking about what they wanted to do in future. I wanted to fight oppression now."
路透社记者见到了几位伊斯兰战士，他们当初离开了更加温和的旅而来到了强硬派组织。伊斯兰运动的一个成员，只肯匿名就收采访。他说，“我以前和自由军在一起，但是他们总是想着未来能干点啥。我现在只想与压迫做斗争。”

http://tieba.baidu.com/p/2407041207
Special Report: Syria's Islamists seize control as moderates dither
特别报道：叙利亚伊斯兰分子掌握控制权，而温和派被边缘化

An Islamist member holds up a flag in protest of Bashar al-Assad February 25, 2013 (photo: Reuters - Khalil Ashawi)
[6/20/2013 9:02:53 AM]
By Oliver Holmes and Alexander Dziadosz ALEPPO, Syria | Wed Jun 19, 2013 2:45pm IST
ALEPPO (Reuters) - As the Syrian civil war got under way, a former electrician who calls himself Sheikh Omar built up a brigade of rebel fighters. In two years of struggle against President Bashar al-Assad, they came to number 2,000 men, he said, here in the northern city of Aleppo. Then, virtually overnight, they collapsed.
路透社阿勒颇电---随着叙利亚内战的进行，一位名叫SHEIKH OMAR的前电工技师曾经组建了一个旅的叛军。在与阿萨德总统的两年的作战中，他们在北部城市阿勒颇一度发展到了2000人。 现在，实际上是一夜之间，他们的队伍垮了。

Omar's group, Ghurabaa al-Sham, wasn't defeated by the government. It was dismantled by a rival band of revolutionaries - hardline Islamists.
奥马尔的队伍，名字叫GHURABAA AL-SHAM，意思是“叙利亚的外国人”。他们不是被政府军击败的，而是被革命队伍中的对头—强硬的伊斯兰分子解散的。
Islamists moved against them at the beginning of May. After three days of sporadic clashes Omar's more moderate fighters, accused by the Islamists of looting, caved in and dispersed, according to local residents. Omar said the end came swiftly.
5月初，伊斯兰分子开始对付他们。根据当地居民介绍，奥马尔的战士受到伊斯兰分子的指控，称他们犯有抢劫罪。经过了3天零星的交火，他们投降了，被解散了。奥马尔说，结局来得太快了。
The Islamists confiscated the brigade's weapons, ammunition and cars, Omar said. "They considered this war loot. Maybe they think we are competitors," he said. "We have no idea about their goals. What we have built in two years disappeared in a single day."
伊斯兰分子没收了该旅的武器、弹药和汽车。“他们决定战争就是劫掠。也许他们觉得我们是他们的竞争对手，”奥马尔说道。“我们不知道他们的目标。我们两年里建造的一切，一天之内就消失个干净。”

The group was effectively marginalized in the struggle to overthrow Syria's President Bashar al-Assad. Around 100 fighters are all that remain of his force, Omar said.
这个旅实际上在与巴萨尔阿萨德总统的作战中被边缘化了。奥马尔说，他现在的人马只有约100人了。

It's a pattern repeated elsewhere in the country. During a 10-day journey through rebel-held territory in Syria, Reuters journalists found that radical Islamist units are sidelining more moderate groups that do not share the Islamists' goal of establishing a supreme religious leadership in the country.
在这个国家，这种事情反复上演。在叛军控制的地区10天的旅行期间，路透社记者们发现，激进的伊斯兰部队正在边缘化较为温和的组织。后者与他们要在这个国家建立一个最高宗教权利领导层的目标不一致。

The moderates, often underfunded, fragmented and chaotic, appear no match for Islamist units, which include fighters from organizations designated "terrorist" by the United States.
温和派常常资金不足，分散而杂乱，似乎无法对抗伊斯兰武装。后者的战士包括来自被美国成为恐怖分子的组织。
The Islamist ascendancy has amplified the sectarian nature of the war between Sunni Muslim rebels and the Shi'ite supporters of Assad. It also presents a barrier to the original democratic aims of the revolt and calls into question whether the United States, which announced practical support for the rebels last week, can ensure supplies of weapons go only to groups friendly to the West.
伊斯兰主义的影响放大了战争双方逊尼派叛军和阿萨德什叶派支持者之间的教派冲突性质。这种影响阻碍了起义的最初的民主目标的实现。同时，它还引发这样的问题，是否美国能够确保武器援助只落入对西方友好的人手中。美国上一周刚刚宣布要给予叛军援助。
World powers fear weapons could reach hardline Islamist groups that wish to create an Islamic mini-state within a crescent of rebel-held territory from the Mediterranean in the west to the desert border with Iraq.
世界各大国均担心为期会落入强硬的伊斯兰组织手中，后者希望在西起地中海、东至叙伊沙漠边境之间，建立一个叛军控制的、新月形状的伊斯兰小国。
That prospect is also alarming for many in Syria, from minority Christians, Alawites and Shi'ites to tolerant Sunni Muslims, who are concerned that this alliance would try to impose Taliban-style rule.
对许多现在还身处叙利亚的人来说，前景也不乐观。他们中有少数派的基督徒、阿拉维派和什叶派，以及宽容的逊尼派穆斯林。他们担心，这个组织会试图建立类似塔利班那样的政权。

REPROBATES AND OUTLAWS 恶棍与罪犯
Syria's war began with peaceful protests against Assad in March 2011 and turned into an armed rebellion a few months later following a deadly crackdown. Most of the rebel groups in Syria were formed locally and have little coordination with others. The country is dotted with bands made up of army defectors, farmers, engineers and even former criminals.
叙利亚战争开始于2011年针对阿萨德进行的和平SHI W EI(此处关键字，卡住发不了稿。译者注)。在遭受到严酷镇压的几个月后，它就变为武装反叛。
Many pledge allegiance to the notion of a unified Free Syrian Army (FSA). But on the ground there is little evidence to suggest the FSA actually exists as a body at all.
许多发誓效忠一个联合的叙利亚自由军。但是，现实中几乎没有证据表明自由军作为一个实体存在。
Sheikh Omar told the story of his brigade while sitting in a cramped room at his headquarters, a small one-storey building surrounded by olive tree fields in Aleppo province. Wrapped around his chest he wore a leather bandolier that held two pistols, grips pointing outwards, ready to be drawn by crossing his arms.
坐在他的司令部里一个狭小的房间，SHEIKH奥马尔讲述了他的旅的故事。这是一个阿勒颇省特有的橄榄田环绕的2称楼房。他胸前戴着子弹带，插着两把手枪，枪把朝外，一副随时交叉手臂拔枪的架势。
He said he was from a poor background in rural Aleppo province. When he and a handful of others had started a rebel group to oppose Assad, fear had made it hard to recruit. The rich and law-abiding were scared. Only outlaws and reprobates would join him at first.
他说，他来自阿勒颇省一个贫穷的地方。当他和一小拨其他人开始成立反叛队伍反对阿萨德的时候，由于人们的恐惧，他很难招到人马。富人和守法的人都很害怕。一开始，只有罪犯和恶棍愿意加入队伍。
"We were looking for good people. But who was willing to work for me and help me? Those who used to go to bars, to fight with people and steal. Those are the people who allied with me and fought against the regime." As he spoke some of his remaining fighters tried to interject; he silenced them, saying he wanted to be honest.
“我们当时也在招募好人。但是有谁愿意为我工作帮助我呢？只有那些经常去酒吧的人，爱打架的人和偷盗的人。只有这种人才会与我结盟，与政府打仗。”当他在说话的时候，剩下的几个战士想插嘴，他让他们安静，说他只想说实话。
LOOTING劫掠
Ghurabaa al-Sham started with modest aims, Omar said. They would enter small police stations and negotiate a handover of weapons in return for free passage out of the area for the police.
他说，GHURABAA AL-SHAM队伍一开始目标很低。他们进入警察局，与警察谈判要一些武器，换取警察撤出这个区域。
But their numbers grew to 2,000 men, he said, and they fought battles to take border posts with Turkey and were one of the first rebel brigades to move into Aleppo, Syria's most populous city with 2.5 million inhabitants.
但是，他们后来发展到了2000人。他们经过战斗夺取了与土耳其接壤的边境哨所。他们是第一批进入阿勒颇的叛军队伍。这是叙利亚人口最多的城市，约250万人口。
More than half of the city fell to the rebels, but Assad's army pushed back, fighting street by street for months. A stalemate ensued. Very little progress has been made from either side for almost a year.
阿勒颇一多半的地盘落入叛军手中，但是阿萨德的部队进行了反击，数月内逐街争夺。后来发展到了僵局。差不多一年时间里，双方几乎都没有取得进展。
Where the government forces did cede ground, Aleppo's residents did not welcome the rebels with open arms. Most fighters were poor rural people from the countryside and the residents of Aleppo say they stole. Omar acknowledged this happened.
在政府军退出的地方，当地居民并不热情欢迎叛军。大多是战士来自贫穷的乡下，阿勒颇当地人说他们时常偷东西。奥马尔承认此事发生过。
"Our members in Aleppo were stealing openly. Others stole everything and were taking Syria's goods to sell outside the country. I was against any bad action committed by Ghurabaa al-Sham. However, things happened and opinion turned against us," he said as his men squirmed in their seats, uncomfortable with his words.
“我们在阿勒颇的队员公开盗窃。有些人什么都偷，把叙利亚的东西拿到外国去。我反对任何GHURABAA AL-SHAM做下的坏事儿。但是，事情总是发生，别人对我们开始另眼相看了。”他说这话的时候，他的战士在座位上身体扭动着，为他的话感觉很不自在。
Ghurabaa al-Sham was not the only group to take the law into its own hands. In Salqin, a town in Idlib province bordering Turkey, fighters from a rebel brigade called the Falcons of Salqin have set up checkpoints at the entrances to the town.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM不是唯一一支实行执法的队伍。在伊德利卜与土耳其接壤的一个叫SALQIN的城市，来自一个名叫SALQIN之鹰的旅的战士在进程通道上建立的检查站。
Abu Naim Jamjoom, deputy commander of the brigade, said the rebels take a cut of any produce - food, fuel or other merchandise - that enters Salqin. The goods are distributed to the town's residents, he said, but some rebel groups steal this "tax" for themselves.
该旅副旅长ABU NAIM JAMJOOM说，叛军队伍会对进入SALQIN的物资抽取一部分，包括食物、燃料或其它大宗商品。然后将物资分发给城中居民。但是，有些叛军偷“税”以肥自己。
Part of the problem is that the rebel groups are poorly equipped and badly coordinated. Jamjoom said he had 45 men with guns and two homemade mortar launchers but was desperately low on ammunition. "Everything we have has been looted from the regime," he said, echoing the response of most rebel commanders when asked if they have received any outside support.
这个问题的部分原因是，叛军队伍装备很差，缺少协调。JAMJOOM说，他有45个带枪的战士、2门自制迫击炮发射器。但是弹药奇缺。当被问到是否接受过外国的支援时，他说，“我们拥有的一切都是从政府那里抢来的。”
Jamjoom, who wore a blue camouflaged outfit and kept a grenade in his left pocket, said he had registered his group with the Supreme Military Council, a body set up by the U.S.-backed Syrian National Coalition of opposition groups to help coordinate rebel units.
JAMJOOM，身穿一件蓝色迷彩服，左口袋里装着一枚手雷。他说他想最高军事委员会登记过他的队伍。最高军事委员会是由美国支持的叙利亚全国联盟成立的，目的是协调各个叛军队伍。
"We haven't received any help from the military council," Jamjoom said, drinking sweet tea on the balcony of his headquarters, the house of a pro-Assad dignitary who had fled the area. "We have to depend on ourselves. I am my own mother, you could say."
JAMJOOM说，“我们从没有得到来自这个委员会的帮助。”在他的司令部的阳台上，一边喝着甜茶，一边聊着。这曾是亲阿萨德的一位高官的房子，后来他逃跑了。“我们只能靠自己。反正我是我自己的娘。”
He tugged at his uniform. "I bought this myself, with my money," he said. He also said his group buys weapons from other brigades, "from those who have extra." Weapons trading by rebel groups raises the risk that arms supplied by Western powers may fall into the hands of Islamist groups.
他扯了扯自己的制服，说道，“这身是我自己买的，我自己的钱。”他还说，他的队伍只能从其他旅那里买武器。“从那些有富余武器的人手里。”叛军队伍之间交易武器的做法加大了西方国家支援的武器落入伊斯兰派别手中的风险。
Western officials say military aid will be channeled through the Supreme Military Council. A Western security source told Reuters the council is trying to gain credibility, but as yet it has little or no authority.
西方官员说，军事援助将会通过渠道送往最高军事委员会手。一位西方负责安全的人告诉路透社记者，该委员会正试图获得更多的信任。但是但现在为止，它既没有获得信任，也没有什么权威。
Meanwhile, Jamjoom and his men were largely staying around Salqin, low on ammunition and low on energy. Inside the mansion they have commandeered, rebels lazed about on the gaudy fake-gold furniture in a room full of books, including religious texts and a copy of "The Oxford Companion to English Literature."
同时，JAMJOOM和他的手下主要驻扎在SALQIN周边，因此弹药量很少和士气低落。在这座充当指挥部的大宅子里，叛军在一个装着俗气的假的黄金家具的房间里走来走去。这个房间里到处是书籍，其中有宗教课本和一本《牛津英国文学指南》的书。
ISLAMIST ARBITERS伊斯兰法庭
The Islamists are more energetic and better organized. The main two hardline groups to emerge in Syria are Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat al-Nusra, an al Qaeda offshoot that has claimed responsibility for dozens of suicide bombings, including several in Damascus in which civilians were killed.
伊斯兰分子精力更加旺盛，有着较好的组织。叙利亚出现的两个主要的强硬组织是伊斯兰运动和胜利阵线，后者是基地组织的分支机构，声称对数十起自杀炸弹负责。其中包括在大马士革的几次爆炸事件，造成了平民死亡。
But Islamist fighters, dressed in black cotton with long Sunni-style beards, have developed a reputation for being principled. Dozens of residents living in areas of rebel-held territory across northern Syria told Reuters the same thing, whether they agreed with the politics of Jabhat al-Nusra or not: the Islamists do not steal.
这些伊斯兰战士，身穿黑色棉布衣，留着逊尼派风格的大胡子，因原则性强而富有盛名。在叙利亚北部叛军控制的地区生活几十个居民，不管是否认可胜利阵线的政治取向，他们告诉路透社记者同样的事情：伊斯兰分子的确不偷东西。
Aaron Zelin, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy who researches Islamic militants, said the main reason groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar al-Sham have become popular is because of the social provisions they supply. "They are fair arbiters and not corrupt."
AARON ZELIN, 一个来自华盛顿的近东政策研究所研究员，研究了伊斯兰武装分子。他说，胜利阵线和伊斯兰运动受到欢迎的原因是他们提供的物资。“他们是公平的仲裁人，从不堕落。”
In Aleppo four Islamist brigades, including Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar al-Sham, have taken over the role of government and are providing civilians with day-to-day necessities. They have also created a court based on Islamic religious laws, or sharia.
在阿勒颇，包括胜利阵线和伊斯兰运动在内，有4支伊斯兰旅。他们接管了政府职能，向居民们提供日常生活用品。他们还建立以伊斯兰宗教法为基础的法庭，即SHARIA。
The Aleppans call it "the Authority" and it governs anything from crimes of murder and rape to business disputes and distributing bread and water around the city. The power of such courts is growing, Authority members and rebels said, and is enforced by a body called the "Revolutionary Military Police."
阿勒颇人称这个法庭为“当局”。法庭可以决定任何事情，从谋杀到强奸，再到商业纠纷，以及向城里分配面包和饮用水。“当局”成员和叛军人士都说，这样的法庭的权利在扩大，而且由一个名叫“革命宪兵”的机构执法。
At the police's headquarters, a five-storey building surrounded with sandbags, a large placard outside read: "Syrian Islamic Liberation Front." It referred to a union of several Islamist brigades, forged in October 2012, which seeks to bring together disparate fighting groups. Its Islamist emphasis has already alienated some other fighters.
它的司令部在一个四周是沙袋包围的2层建筑内。有一个大牌子写道：“叙利亚伊斯兰解放阵线。”它是指成立与2012年10月的由几个伊斯兰旅组成的联盟。该联盟致力于团结各个分散的作战组织。它的伊斯兰性质让一些战士疏远。
The head of the Aleppo branch of the Revolutionary Military Police, Abu Ahmed Rahman, comes from Liwa al-Tawhid, the largest rebel force in Aleppo. Ostensibly al-Tawhid has pledged its support for the U.S.-recognized Syrian National Coalition, but its role in the Authority alongside Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat al-Nusra shows an alliance with more radical groups.
“革命宪兵”的阿勒颇分支的头目，ABU AHMED RAHMAN，来自统一旅（LIWA AL-TAWHID）。这是阿勒颇最大的一支叛军。表面上看，统一旅承诺支持美国认可的叙利亚全国联盟，但是它和伊斯兰运动和胜利阵线一起在“当局”的作用表明，这个联盟包含了更多的激进组织。

As Rahman sat at a large desk on the ground floor, people rushed in and out, asking him to stamp and sign documents. He said that the worst problem the police had encountered so far was with Ghurabaa al-Sham, who had clashed with a sub-division of Liwa al-Tahwid for control of Aleppo's industrial city, a complex of factories and office blocks sprawling over 4,000 hectares on the north-east outskirts of the city.
当RAHMAN坐在底层的一个大桌子前，人们进进出出，不停地问他盖章签字。他说，宪兵到目前遇到的最棘手的问题是与GHURABAA ALSHAM的关系。后者与统一旅的一个分支为争夺阿勒颇的工业区（一批工厂和写字楼，占地4000公顷，位于阿勒颇城东北郊区）爆发了冲突。
"Ghurabaa al-Sham fighters were annoying people, looting," he said. The industrial area offered plenty of plunder. Residents of Aleppo said rebels found machinery and equipment in the factories that could be sold in Turkey.
他说，“GHURABAA AL-SHAM的士兵总是骚扰百姓，他们抢东西。”这个工业区提供了大量的劫掠品。阿勒颇的居民说，叛军在工厂找到了机器，可以卖到土耳其。
Rahman said the Authority summoned Ghurabaa al-Sham to a hearing but they didn't show up. "Then all the brigades went to get them. Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and other rebel units," he said.
RAHMAN说，“当局”通知GHURABAA AL-SHAM 参加一个听证会，但是他们没有露面。“结果所有旅都出去找他们。有胜利阵线、伊斯兰运动和其它叛军部队。”
Abu Baraa, an employee at the Authority, said: "We gathered a lot of people with guns and everything. We went to the industrial city and we arrested everyone who was there. Then we did the interrogation. Those who did not steal were set free, and the others were put in prison.
ABU BARAA，是一个在“当局”工作的雇员。他说，“我们召集了许多人，都带着枪和一切东西。我们来到工业区，逮捕了那里的所有人。然后我们进行了审讯。没有偷东西的人被释放了。其他人则被关了起来。”
"Before this Sharia Authority, every brigade did whatever it wanted. Now they have to ask for everything. We are in charge now, God willing. We are the supervisors. If you do something wrong, you will be punished."
“在伊斯兰法庭成立之前，每个旅都可以为所欲为。现在，他们必须提出申请。我们现在接管了，这是真主的意愿。我们就是监督人。如果你做了坏事，你就会收到惩罚。”
A POWER STRUGGLE 权利之争
Members of Ghurabaa al-Sham gave a different version of events and have a different world view. "Why is the Sharia Authority allowed to control us? We didn't elect them," said Abdul-Fatah al-Sakhouri, who works in the media center for Ghurabaa al-Sham, an old taxi station in Aleppo where he and some other fighters upload videos of battles against the Syrian army onto YouTube.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM的成员则给出了事情的不同版本和不同看法。“为什么伊斯兰法庭被允许控制我们？我们又没有选举他们。”在GHURABAA AL-SHAM媒体中心工作的ABDUL-FATAH AL-SAKHOURI说道。媒体中心位于阿勒颇一个旧的出租车站，他和其它战士正在向YOUTUBE上载战斗视频。
Al-Sakhouri, previously a mathematics teacher, said the head of the Ghurabaa al-Sham unit in the industrial city had gone to the Authority to sort out the dispute. "Commander Hassan Jazera was there for three hours and then left. It shows that they didn't arrest him and there were no real charges against us," he said.
AL-SAKHOURI以前是一位数学教师。他说，GHURABAA AL-SHAM在工业区的头已经去“当局”去厘清纠纷去了。他说，“指挥官HASSAN JAZERA 在那里待了3小时，然后就离开了。这说明他们没有逮捕他，也没有对我们的真正指控。”
The dispute, Ghurabaa al-Sham fighters said, was really about power. They said their brigade, made up of fighters ranging from Islamists to secularists but all in favor of a civilian state, was not part of the Islamist alliance formed between Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and Liwa al-Tawhid.
GHURABAA AL-SHAM的士兵说，这次纠纷实际上是争权。他们说，他们的旅既有伊斯兰分子，也有世俗人士构成，但是所有人都赞成成立一个世俗国家。他们不是胜利阵线、伊斯兰运动和统一旅组成的伊斯兰联盟的一部分。
Another member of Ghurbaa al-Sham, who called himself Omar, said the Islamist alliance wanted to weaken his group because it disagrees with Islamist ideology and seeks democracy.
GHURBAA AL-SHAM的另一个成员，名字也叫奥马尔。他说，伊斯兰联盟想削弱他们的旅，因为在意识形态上有分歧，他们追求民主。
Illustrating his fear of Islamist cultural restrictions, Omar said he was a fan of the American heavy metal band Metallica and pulled out a mobile phone to show a Metallica music video. The 24-year-old said Syrian businessmen once promised millions of dollars to bring Metallica to Aleppo but, in the end, the government rejected the plan.
奥马尔表现出了对伊斯兰文化限制的恐惧，他说，他是美国重金属乐队金属乐队的粉丝。然后他拿出手机，播放了一条金属乐队的视频。这个24岁年轻人说，叙利亚商人曾经许诺支付几百万美元邀请金属乐队来阿勒颇。结果，当时的政府否决了这个计划。
"Jabhat al-Nusra wouldn't want this either," he said.
他说，“胜利阵线也不会同意的。”
So far the Islamist groups have been the ones to attract outside support, mostly from private Sunni Muslim backers in Saudi Arabia, according to fighters in Syria.
迄今为止，伊斯兰组织成了吸引外部支持的队伍了。援助主要来自在沙特的逊尼派私人支持者。
With the help of battle-hardened Sunni Iraqis, these groups have been able to gain recruits. "They had military capabilities. They are actually organized and have command and control," said Zelin of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
有了善战的伊拉克逊尼派的帮助，这些组织就能够招募人员。“华盛顿的近东政策研究所的ZELIN说，“他们以前拥有军事本领。他们现在实际上在组织、指挥和控制。”
As moderate rebel groups dithered, so did their backers outside the country. Bickering among the political opposition, a collection of political exiles who have spent many years outside Syria, also presented a problem for the United States about whether there would be a coherent transition to a new government if Assad fell.
随着温和叛军组织的衰退，他们在这个国家外部的支持者也会衰退。在各个政治对手中间争吵过程中，一些曾经在叙利亚度过了许多年的政治流亡者也会把问题提交给美国，如果阿萨德下台，是否将会有一个向着新政府的稳定过渡。
But most importantly, Western powers fear that if weapons are delivered to Syrian rebels, there would be few guarantees they would not end up with radical Islamist groups, such as Jabhat al-Nusra, who might one day use them against Western interests.
但是，最重要的是，西方国家担心，如果武器交到叛军手里，几乎没有把握能保证它们不会流入到向胜利阵线这样的激进的伊斯兰组织手里，该组织从而用它们来对付西方。
The moderates are losing ground. In many parts of rebel-held Aleppo, the red, black and green revolutionary flag which represents more moderate elements has been replaced with the black Islamic flag. Small shops selling black headbands, conservative clothing and black balaclavas have popped up around the city and their business is booming.
温和派正在失去地位。在阿勒颇许多叛军控制的地盘上，代表着更多温和元素的红黑绿的革命旗帜已经被黑色的伊斯兰旗帜取代。出售黑色头带、保守服饰和黑色盔式线帽的小商店子在这个城市涌现，他们的生意也在扩大。
Reuters met several Islamist fighters who had left more moderate rebel brigades for hardline groups. One member of Ahrar al-Sham, who would only speak on condition of anonymity, said: "I used to be with the Free Syrian Army but they were always thinking about what they wanted to do in future. I wanted to fight oppression now."
路透社记者见到了几位伊斯兰战士，他们当初离开了更加温和的旅而来到了强硬派组织。伊斯兰运动的一个成员，只肯匿名就收采访。他说，“我以前和自由军在一起，但是他们总是想着未来能干点啥。我现在只想与压迫做斗争。”

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