超级军网纽约时报：今日利比亚 民兵大乱斗
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/29 15:23:26
http://www.guancha.cn/html/49646/2012/02/16/66096.shtml
来源：观察者网 作者：JehadNga 杨晗轶 翻译
来自利比亚首都的黎波里的报道，在当地的民兵看来，他们的动机无比高尚纯粹：为营救一名遭绑架的女性，他们于本周攻击了另一个海滨民兵基地。枪火暂歇时，混乱情景与近期利比亚革命相差无几——政府权威扫地，号令不施；民兵手握枪杆，威风八面；面对每晚的枪林弹雨，民众的耐心逐渐丧失。
那名女性很快获救，但这场劫掠才刚刚开始。
一名民兵喝令试图维护秩序，喝令道：“什么都不准拿！”
不拿白不拿：一盒手雷，生锈的机枪，弹药带，榴弹发射器，箱装饮用水，歪架在助力车上的鱼缸等，无一幸免。分属多股势力的民兵将战利品运出，偶尔还朝天开枪。他们为了赃车大打出手，而当无法得手时则开枪将车击毁。
“这是毁灭！”51岁的指挥官努里•佛泰（NouriFtais）表现出罕有却遭忽视的理性，他抱怨道，“我们在自毁利比亚。”
这个见证了阿拉伯世界最大规模革命的国家正在沦落。首都也是如此，在经历反对军去年八月攻陷的黎波里的混乱之后，这个城市恢复了表面的平静。但目前的的黎波里无论如何也算不上一个正常的城市，这里两周前还发生民兵折磨前外交官致死的事件，数百被认为忠于卡扎菲的难民至今仍绝望地困在难民营中，一名政府官员表示他们“难获自由”。这里到处都是不和谐的因素，所以星期三的惨剧尤其可悲。
临时总理阿卜杜勒•拉希姆•阿尔-凯卜（Abdel-Rahimel-Keeb）的参谋阿舒尔•沙米斯（AshurShamis）表示：“混乱的居室不可收拾，但我们总疯狂地觉得我们能控制一切。”
虽然反对党强迫与政府瓜分权力；人民对“倒卡”将带来繁荣的期望无法实现；政权无力，国家正规军队几与民兵组织一般无异，去年11月28日成立的凯卜政府几近瘫痪，只因利比亚盛产石油，的黎波里仍存有乐观主义的情绪。
座落于奈富塞山区城镇间的瓦利德巴尼（BaniWalid）曾是卡扎菲的重要据点。上月，都自我标榜为革命军的敌对武装势力用枪杆在这里决出胜负。而政府对于这样的区域性冲突束手无策。
“我们的政府是应危机(产生)的，”沙米斯在窗明几净的政府办公室说，“我们这是危机政府，不可能面面俱到。”
的黎波里的涂鸦仍然在调侃着卡扎菲去年最著名的演讲，他当时发誓死守每栋房屋每条街巷，扭曲着疤脸叫嚣着“你们算老几？”
“我们算老几？”卡扎菲漫画像上的涂鸦文字回答道。
沙米斯的办公室外，又有了新的标语。
“你在哪里？”
这个问句凸显了关于合法性的问题，这是革命后的利比亚最亟待解决的问题。官员希望五月或六月的选举将带来与埃及和突尼斯大选同样的效果：将政权交接到最能代表人民意愿的政府。但伊拉克则是个反例，战后的大选加深了党派分歧，导致内战的爆发。
这里充斥着不定因素。部分政府雇员已有一年没有支领薪水，沙米斯表示政府不知如何拨款给国家经济才能让民众切身感受到。的黎波里的居民抱怨政府决策缺乏透明性。受独裁政权影响，政府部门还保持着将决策统统扔给高层的惯性。
“他们高高在上，一边喝咖啡一边构建空中楼阁，”民兵看守下的的黎波里大学药剂学学生，20岁的伊斯拉•阿瓦斯（IsraaAhwass）如是说。
“人不会一夜之间改变”她的朋友，另一名学药剂的学生娜伊玛•穆罕默德（NaimaMohammed）打断道：“他们这样无知愚昧已经42年了。”
“但他们完全不作为。”阿瓦斯说道。
正如西边的突尼斯和东边的埃及，利比亚同样面临着卡扎菲曾极力否认的民族多元性，卡扎菲试图将少数民族柏柏尔人阿拉伯化。在这一点上，革命势力的不同呼吁，反映出对于社会分裂的担忧。街上随处可见“拒绝不和谐”、“拒绝部落化”等标语。
这一切都与利比亚作家希沙姆•马塔尔（HishamMatar）在其首部小说《人之国度》里昭示的真理相吻合。“在人之国度，民族主义如细线般薄弱，大家都寝食难安地保卫它。”民兵掌控着西部城镇、首都城郊、甚至街道的实权，使得政府权力如同洋葱一样被层层削弱。
烤肉摊主阿什拉夫•阿尔－基基（Ashrafal-Kiki）质问道：“法治何在？”这名因民兵开枪射穿他的私车而跑遍警署、的黎波里军委会、津坦民兵营的摊主，在混合着烤肉香的国歌声中说：“这是暴力统治，不是法治。”
控制的黎波里机场的势力是来自首都南部山区津坦的民兵，他们参与了攻陷的黎波里的战役，至今仍关押着卡扎菲最显赫的儿子赛伊夫•阿尔-伊斯拉姆(Seifal-Islam)。据他们提供的数字显示，有1000名民兵镇守机场，其中一名50岁的指挥官阿卜德尔－毛拉•比拉伊德(Abdel-MawlaBilaid)负责杂役，他骄傲地重复着推翻旧政府的光荣事迹，他宣称“一切进行良好，百分百正确。”
总理参谋沙米斯承认政府对民兵势力无能为力“现阶段只能如此。”这看法与津坦民兵指挥官比拉伊德相同“现在我们没有理由撤离，利比亚人民希望我们在这里。”
民兵问题已经成为革命余波留下的灾祸。虽然他们已经拆除掉首都内大多数检查站，但他们仍旧是存在于各处的强大势力。据一名人权观察组织的研究员估计，在革命战争中交战最激烈的海滨城市米苏拉塔，仍存在250多股不同的民兵势力。最近数月中，这些民兵已经成为利比亚全国人民痛恨的对象。
居民表示，部分民兵战士在政府的不作为情况下，尝试保卫法律和秩序。来自班家西和津坦的民兵保护着收容了1500名难民的难民营，这里的难民因被米苏拉塔战士指责曾帮助卡扎菲，而遭驱逐出塔维尔戈哈。自塔维尔戈哈难民进入这个曾是土耳其建筑工人工棚的营地，米苏拉塔民兵已经来掠夺过五六次，扣押数十人，其中许多人至今仍遭到羁押。
“没人挡得住米苏拉塔人”难民营中一名长者朱玛尔•阿吉拉（JumaaAgeela）形容道。
在巴什尔•卜勒贝什（BashirBrebesh）口中，驻扎在的黎波里的民兵也同样可怕。1月19日，他62岁的父亲，前利比亚驻巴黎外交官奥马尔（Omar），受传至津坦民兵营接受问讯。次日其家人在津坦一家医院里找到了奥马尔的尸体。据称他的鼻梁、肋骨被击断，脚趾甲被拔掉，头盖骨裂开，身上有被烟蒂烫伤痕迹。
民兵组织告知受害者家属，为此事件负责的人已遭逮捕，但这样的消息无法给卜勒贝什带来慰籍。32岁的卜勒贝什是旅居加拿大的神经科医师，收到父亲的死讯后赶回家乡。他说道：“我们孤立无援。他们既扮演警察，又充当法官，甚至还代替刽子手行刑，”他深吸一口气，质问道：“他们没有尊严吗？为什么不一枪了结他？这简直太残暴了，他们是否觉得听他的惨叫是一种享受？”
政府承认民间非法拷问和拘留问题的存在，但表示警察和司法部都无法根除这样的现象。政府于周二时发布移动电话短信息，呼吁民兵势力停止非法活动。
“越来越多的人在拘留中丧生，”人权观察组织紧急情况负责代表彼得•布凯特（PeterBouckaert）上月在利比亚手机证据时表示，“在任何一个阿拉伯独裁国家，这都会遭到强烈的抗议。”
本周，持续到午夜的劫掠几乎将海滨基地洗劫一空，这个曾经属于卡扎菲之子萨阿迪的院子里，只剩下一顶红色贝雷帽，一节汽车电池，一个生锈的弹药箱，以及一瓶见底的突尼斯葡萄酒。
是夜，与平常一样，各种民兵势力又在这座城市各处明争暗斗、划分地界。枪声如同寒冬的狂风，在地中海岸边呼啸直至拂晓。在黑暗中，没人能看见库兹广场（QudsSquare）上的标语“让我们团结起来，包容共存，不要让子孙再付出血的代价”；在黑暗中，没人知道是谁在开枪。
次日，柔和的阳光似乎清洗掉些许街道上的血腥，迈哈穆德•穆加利什（MahmoudMgairish）站在广场前，他问道：“他们这是怎么了？”他接着说：“我不知道这个国家将走往何方，但我对天发誓，这团乱麻永远都解不开。”http://www.guancha.cn/html/49646/2012/02/16/66096.shtml
来源：观察者网 作者：JehadNga 杨晗轶 翻译
来自利比亚首都的黎波里的报道，在当地的民兵看来，他们的动机无比高尚纯粹：为营救一名遭绑架的女性，他们于本周攻击了另一个海滨民兵基地。枪火暂歇时，混乱情景与近期利比亚革命相差无几——政府权威扫地，号令不施；民兵手握枪杆，威风八面；面对每晚的枪林弹雨，民众的耐心逐渐丧失。
那名女性很快获救，但这场劫掠才刚刚开始。
一名民兵喝令试图维护秩序，喝令道：“什么都不准拿！”
不拿白不拿：一盒手雷，生锈的机枪，弹药带，榴弹发射器，箱装饮用水，歪架在助力车上的鱼缸等，无一幸免。分属多股势力的民兵将战利品运出，偶尔还朝天开枪。他们为了赃车大打出手，而当无法得手时则开枪将车击毁。
“这是毁灭！”51岁的指挥官努里•佛泰（NouriFtais）表现出罕有却遭忽视的理性，他抱怨道，“我们在自毁利比亚。”
这个见证了阿拉伯世界最大规模革命的国家正在沦落。首都也是如此，在经历反对军去年八月攻陷的黎波里的混乱之后，这个城市恢复了表面的平静。但目前的的黎波里无论如何也算不上一个正常的城市，这里两周前还发生民兵折磨前外交官致死的事件，数百被认为忠于卡扎菲的难民至今仍绝望地困在难民营中，一名政府官员表示他们“难获自由”。这里到处都是不和谐的因素，所以星期三的惨剧尤其可悲。
临时总理阿卜杜勒•拉希姆•阿尔-凯卜（Abdel-Rahimel-Keeb）的参谋阿舒尔•沙米斯（AshurShamis）表示：“混乱的居室不可收拾，但我们总疯狂地觉得我们能控制一切。”
虽然反对党强迫与政府瓜分权力；人民对“倒卡”将带来繁荣的期望无法实现；政权无力，国家正规军队几与民兵组织一般无异，去年11月28日成立的凯卜政府几近瘫痪，只因利比亚盛产石油，的黎波里仍存有乐观主义的情绪。
座落于奈富塞山区城镇间的瓦利德巴尼（BaniWalid）曾是卡扎菲的重要据点。上月，都自我标榜为革命军的敌对武装势力用枪杆在这里决出胜负。而政府对于这样的区域性冲突束手无策。
“我们的政府是应危机(产生)的，”沙米斯在窗明几净的政府办公室说，“我们这是危机政府，不可能面面俱到。”
的黎波里的涂鸦仍然在调侃着卡扎菲去年最著名的演讲，他当时发誓死守每栋房屋每条街巷，扭曲着疤脸叫嚣着“你们算老几？”
“我们算老几？”卡扎菲漫画像上的涂鸦文字回答道。
沙米斯的办公室外，又有了新的标语。
“你在哪里？”
这个问句凸显了关于合法性的问题，这是革命后的利比亚最亟待解决的问题。官员希望五月或六月的选举将带来与埃及和突尼斯大选同样的效果：将政权交接到最能代表人民意愿的政府。但伊拉克则是个反例，战后的大选加深了党派分歧，导致内战的爆发。
这里充斥着不定因素。部分政府雇员已有一年没有支领薪水，沙米斯表示政府不知如何拨款给国家经济才能让民众切身感受到。的黎波里的居民抱怨政府决策缺乏透明性。受独裁政权影响，政府部门还保持着将决策统统扔给高层的惯性。
“他们高高在上，一边喝咖啡一边构建空中楼阁，”民兵看守下的的黎波里大学药剂学学生，20岁的伊斯拉•阿瓦斯（IsraaAhwass）如是说。
“人不会一夜之间改变”她的朋友，另一名学药剂的学生娜伊玛•穆罕默德（NaimaMohammed）打断道：“他们这样无知愚昧已经42年了。”
“但他们完全不作为。”阿瓦斯说道。
正如西边的突尼斯和东边的埃及，利比亚同样面临着卡扎菲曾极力否认的民族多元性，卡扎菲试图将少数民族柏柏尔人阿拉伯化。在这一点上，革命势力的不同呼吁，反映出对于社会分裂的担忧。街上随处可见“拒绝不和谐”、“拒绝部落化”等标语。
这一切都与利比亚作家希沙姆•马塔尔（HishamMatar）在其首部小说《人之国度》里昭示的真理相吻合。“在人之国度，民族主义如细线般薄弱，大家都寝食难安地保卫它。”民兵掌控着西部城镇、首都城郊、甚至街道的实权，使得政府权力如同洋葱一样被层层削弱。
烤肉摊主阿什拉夫•阿尔－基基（Ashrafal-Kiki）质问道：“法治何在？”这名因民兵开枪射穿他的私车而跑遍警署、的黎波里军委会、津坦民兵营的摊主，在混合着烤肉香的国歌声中说：“这是暴力统治，不是法治。”
控制的黎波里机场的势力是来自首都南部山区津坦的民兵，他们参与了攻陷的黎波里的战役，至今仍关押着卡扎菲最显赫的儿子赛伊夫•阿尔-伊斯拉姆(Seifal-Islam)。据他们提供的数字显示，有1000名民兵镇守机场，其中一名50岁的指挥官阿卜德尔－毛拉•比拉伊德(Abdel-MawlaBilaid)负责杂役，他骄傲地重复着推翻旧政府的光荣事迹，他宣称“一切进行良好，百分百正确。”
总理参谋沙米斯承认政府对民兵势力无能为力“现阶段只能如此。”这看法与津坦民兵指挥官比拉伊德相同“现在我们没有理由撤离，利比亚人民希望我们在这里。”
民兵问题已经成为革命余波留下的灾祸。虽然他们已经拆除掉首都内大多数检查站，但他们仍旧是存在于各处的强大势力。据一名人权观察组织的研究员估计，在革命战争中交战最激烈的海滨城市米苏拉塔，仍存在250多股不同的民兵势力。最近数月中，这些民兵已经成为利比亚全国人民痛恨的对象。
居民表示，部分民兵战士在政府的不作为情况下，尝试保卫法律和秩序。来自班家西和津坦的民兵保护着收容了1500名难民的难民营，这里的难民因被米苏拉塔战士指责曾帮助卡扎菲，而遭驱逐出塔维尔戈哈。自塔维尔戈哈难民进入这个曾是土耳其建筑工人工棚的营地，米苏拉塔民兵已经来掠夺过五六次，扣押数十人，其中许多人至今仍遭到羁押。
“没人挡得住米苏拉塔人”难民营中一名长者朱玛尔•阿吉拉（JumaaAgeela）形容道。
在巴什尔•卜勒贝什（BashirBrebesh）口中，驻扎在的黎波里的民兵也同样可怕。1月19日，他62岁的父亲，前利比亚驻巴黎外交官奥马尔（Omar），受传至津坦民兵营接受问讯。次日其家人在津坦一家医院里找到了奥马尔的尸体。据称他的鼻梁、肋骨被击断，脚趾甲被拔掉，头盖骨裂开，身上有被烟蒂烫伤痕迹。
民兵组织告知受害者家属，为此事件负责的人已遭逮捕，但这样的消息无法给卜勒贝什带来慰籍。32岁的卜勒贝什是旅居加拿大的神经科医师，收到父亲的死讯后赶回家乡。他说道：“我们孤立无援。他们既扮演警察，又充当法官，甚至还代替刽子手行刑，”他深吸一口气，质问道：“他们没有尊严吗？为什么不一枪了结他？这简直太残暴了，他们是否觉得听他的惨叫是一种享受？”
政府承认民间非法拷问和拘留问题的存在，但表示警察和司法部都无法根除这样的现象。政府于周二时发布移动电话短信息，呼吁民兵势力停止非法活动。
“越来越多的人在拘留中丧生，”人权观察组织紧急情况负责代表彼得•布凯特（PeterBouckaert）上月在利比亚手机证据时表示，“在任何一个阿拉伯独裁国家，这都会遭到强烈的抗议。”
本周，持续到午夜的劫掠几乎将海滨基地洗劫一空，这个曾经属于卡扎菲之子萨阿迪的院子里，只剩下一顶红色贝雷帽，一节汽车电池，一个生锈的弹药箱，以及一瓶见底的突尼斯葡萄酒。
是夜，与平常一样，各种民兵势力又在这座城市各处明争暗斗、划分地界。枪声如同寒冬的狂风，在地中海岸边呼啸直至拂晓。在黑暗中，没人能看见库兹广场（QudsSquare）上的标语“让我们团结起来，包容共存，不要让子孙再付出血的代价”；在黑暗中，没人知道是谁在开枪。
次日，柔和的阳光似乎清洗掉些许街道上的血腥，迈哈穆德•穆加利什（MahmoudMgairish）站在广场前，他问道：“他们这是怎么了？”他接着说：“我不知道这个国家将走往何方，但我对天发誓，这团乱麻永远都解不开。”
来源：观察者网 作者：JehadNga 杨晗轶 翻译
来自利比亚首都的黎波里的报道，在当地的民兵看来，他们的动机无比高尚纯粹：为营救一名遭绑架的女性，他们于本周攻击了另一个海滨民兵基地。枪火暂歇时，混乱情景与近期利比亚革命相差无几——政府权威扫地，号令不施；民兵手握枪杆，威风八面；面对每晚的枪林弹雨，民众的耐心逐渐丧失。
那名女性很快获救，但这场劫掠才刚刚开始。
一名民兵喝令试图维护秩序，喝令道：“什么都不准拿！”
不拿白不拿：一盒手雷，生锈的机枪，弹药带，榴弹发射器，箱装饮用水，歪架在助力车上的鱼缸等，无一幸免。分属多股势力的民兵将战利品运出，偶尔还朝天开枪。他们为了赃车大打出手，而当无法得手时则开枪将车击毁。
“这是毁灭！”51岁的指挥官努里•佛泰（NouriFtais）表现出罕有却遭忽视的理性，他抱怨道，“我们在自毁利比亚。”
这个见证了阿拉伯世界最大规模革命的国家正在沦落。首都也是如此，在经历反对军去年八月攻陷的黎波里的混乱之后，这个城市恢复了表面的平静。但目前的的黎波里无论如何也算不上一个正常的城市，这里两周前还发生民兵折磨前外交官致死的事件，数百被认为忠于卡扎菲的难民至今仍绝望地困在难民营中，一名政府官员表示他们“难获自由”。这里到处都是不和谐的因素，所以星期三的惨剧尤其可悲。
临时总理阿卜杜勒•拉希姆•阿尔-凯卜（Abdel-Rahimel-Keeb）的参谋阿舒尔•沙米斯（AshurShamis）表示：“混乱的居室不可收拾，但我们总疯狂地觉得我们能控制一切。”
虽然反对党强迫与政府瓜分权力；人民对“倒卡”将带来繁荣的期望无法实现；政权无力，国家正规军队几与民兵组织一般无异，去年11月28日成立的凯卜政府几近瘫痪，只因利比亚盛产石油，的黎波里仍存有乐观主义的情绪。
座落于奈富塞山区城镇间的瓦利德巴尼（BaniWalid）曾是卡扎菲的重要据点。上月，都自我标榜为革命军的敌对武装势力用枪杆在这里决出胜负。而政府对于这样的区域性冲突束手无策。
“我们的政府是应危机(产生)的，”沙米斯在窗明几净的政府办公室说，“我们这是危机政府，不可能面面俱到。”
的黎波里的涂鸦仍然在调侃着卡扎菲去年最著名的演讲，他当时发誓死守每栋房屋每条街巷，扭曲着疤脸叫嚣着“你们算老几？”
“我们算老几？”卡扎菲漫画像上的涂鸦文字回答道。
沙米斯的办公室外，又有了新的标语。
“你在哪里？”
这个问句凸显了关于合法性的问题，这是革命后的利比亚最亟待解决的问题。官员希望五月或六月的选举将带来与埃及和突尼斯大选同样的效果：将政权交接到最能代表人民意愿的政府。但伊拉克则是个反例，战后的大选加深了党派分歧，导致内战的爆发。
这里充斥着不定因素。部分政府雇员已有一年没有支领薪水，沙米斯表示政府不知如何拨款给国家经济才能让民众切身感受到。的黎波里的居民抱怨政府决策缺乏透明性。受独裁政权影响，政府部门还保持着将决策统统扔给高层的惯性。
“他们高高在上，一边喝咖啡一边构建空中楼阁，”民兵看守下的的黎波里大学药剂学学生，20岁的伊斯拉•阿瓦斯（IsraaAhwass）如是说。
“人不会一夜之间改变”她的朋友，另一名学药剂的学生娜伊玛•穆罕默德（NaimaMohammed）打断道：“他们这样无知愚昧已经42年了。”
“但他们完全不作为。”阿瓦斯说道。
正如西边的突尼斯和东边的埃及，利比亚同样面临着卡扎菲曾极力否认的民族多元性，卡扎菲试图将少数民族柏柏尔人阿拉伯化。在这一点上，革命势力的不同呼吁，反映出对于社会分裂的担忧。街上随处可见“拒绝不和谐”、“拒绝部落化”等标语。
这一切都与利比亚作家希沙姆•马塔尔（HishamMatar）在其首部小说《人之国度》里昭示的真理相吻合。“在人之国度，民族主义如细线般薄弱，大家都寝食难安地保卫它。”民兵掌控着西部城镇、首都城郊、甚至街道的实权，使得政府权力如同洋葱一样被层层削弱。
烤肉摊主阿什拉夫•阿尔－基基（Ashrafal-Kiki）质问道：“法治何在？”这名因民兵开枪射穿他的私车而跑遍警署、的黎波里军委会、津坦民兵营的摊主，在混合着烤肉香的国歌声中说：“这是暴力统治，不是法治。”
控制的黎波里机场的势力是来自首都南部山区津坦的民兵，他们参与了攻陷的黎波里的战役，至今仍关押着卡扎菲最显赫的儿子赛伊夫•阿尔-伊斯拉姆(Seifal-Islam)。据他们提供的数字显示，有1000名民兵镇守机场，其中一名50岁的指挥官阿卜德尔－毛拉•比拉伊德(Abdel-MawlaBilaid)负责杂役，他骄傲地重复着推翻旧政府的光荣事迹，他宣称“一切进行良好，百分百正确。”
总理参谋沙米斯承认政府对民兵势力无能为力“现阶段只能如此。”这看法与津坦民兵指挥官比拉伊德相同“现在我们没有理由撤离，利比亚人民希望我们在这里。”
民兵问题已经成为革命余波留下的灾祸。虽然他们已经拆除掉首都内大多数检查站，但他们仍旧是存在于各处的强大势力。据一名人权观察组织的研究员估计，在革命战争中交战最激烈的海滨城市米苏拉塔，仍存在250多股不同的民兵势力。最近数月中，这些民兵已经成为利比亚全国人民痛恨的对象。
居民表示，部分民兵战士在政府的不作为情况下，尝试保卫法律和秩序。来自班家西和津坦的民兵保护着收容了1500名难民的难民营，这里的难民因被米苏拉塔战士指责曾帮助卡扎菲，而遭驱逐出塔维尔戈哈。自塔维尔戈哈难民进入这个曾是土耳其建筑工人工棚的营地，米苏拉塔民兵已经来掠夺过五六次，扣押数十人，其中许多人至今仍遭到羁押。
“没人挡得住米苏拉塔人”难民营中一名长者朱玛尔•阿吉拉（JumaaAgeela）形容道。
在巴什尔•卜勒贝什（BashirBrebesh）口中，驻扎在的黎波里的民兵也同样可怕。1月19日，他62岁的父亲，前利比亚驻巴黎外交官奥马尔（Omar），受传至津坦民兵营接受问讯。次日其家人在津坦一家医院里找到了奥马尔的尸体。据称他的鼻梁、肋骨被击断，脚趾甲被拔掉，头盖骨裂开，身上有被烟蒂烫伤痕迹。
民兵组织告知受害者家属，为此事件负责的人已遭逮捕，但这样的消息无法给卜勒贝什带来慰籍。32岁的卜勒贝什是旅居加拿大的神经科医师，收到父亲的死讯后赶回家乡。他说道：“我们孤立无援。他们既扮演警察，又充当法官，甚至还代替刽子手行刑，”他深吸一口气，质问道：“他们没有尊严吗？为什么不一枪了结他？这简直太残暴了，他们是否觉得听他的惨叫是一种享受？”
政府承认民间非法拷问和拘留问题的存在，但表示警察和司法部都无法根除这样的现象。政府于周二时发布移动电话短信息，呼吁民兵势力停止非法活动。
“越来越多的人在拘留中丧生，”人权观察组织紧急情况负责代表彼得•布凯特（PeterBouckaert）上月在利比亚手机证据时表示，“在任何一个阿拉伯独裁国家，这都会遭到强烈的抗议。”
本周，持续到午夜的劫掠几乎将海滨基地洗劫一空，这个曾经属于卡扎菲之子萨阿迪的院子里，只剩下一顶红色贝雷帽，一节汽车电池，一个生锈的弹药箱，以及一瓶见底的突尼斯葡萄酒。
是夜，与平常一样，各种民兵势力又在这座城市各处明争暗斗、划分地界。枪声如同寒冬的狂风，在地中海岸边呼啸直至拂晓。在黑暗中，没人能看见库兹广场（QudsSquare）上的标语“让我们团结起来，包容共存，不要让子孙再付出血的代价”；在黑暗中，没人知道是谁在开枪。
次日，柔和的阳光似乎清洗掉些许街道上的血腥，迈哈穆德•穆加利什（MahmoudMgairish）站在广场前，他问道：“他们这是怎么了？”他接着说：“我不知道这个国家将走往何方，但我对天发誓，这团乱麻永远都解不开。”http://www.guancha.cn/html/49646/2012/02/16/66096.shtml
来源：观察者网 作者：JehadNga 杨晗轶 翻译
来自利比亚首都的黎波里的报道，在当地的民兵看来，他们的动机无比高尚纯粹：为营救一名遭绑架的女性，他们于本周攻击了另一个海滨民兵基地。枪火暂歇时，混乱情景与近期利比亚革命相差无几——政府权威扫地，号令不施；民兵手握枪杆，威风八面；面对每晚的枪林弹雨，民众的耐心逐渐丧失。
那名女性很快获救，但这场劫掠才刚刚开始。
一名民兵喝令试图维护秩序，喝令道：“什么都不准拿！”
不拿白不拿：一盒手雷，生锈的机枪，弹药带，榴弹发射器，箱装饮用水，歪架在助力车上的鱼缸等，无一幸免。分属多股势力的民兵将战利品运出，偶尔还朝天开枪。他们为了赃车大打出手，而当无法得手时则开枪将车击毁。
“这是毁灭！”51岁的指挥官努里•佛泰（NouriFtais）表现出罕有却遭忽视的理性，他抱怨道，“我们在自毁利比亚。”
这个见证了阿拉伯世界最大规模革命的国家正在沦落。首都也是如此，在经历反对军去年八月攻陷的黎波里的混乱之后，这个城市恢复了表面的平静。但目前的的黎波里无论如何也算不上一个正常的城市，这里两周前还发生民兵折磨前外交官致死的事件，数百被认为忠于卡扎菲的难民至今仍绝望地困在难民营中，一名政府官员表示他们“难获自由”。这里到处都是不和谐的因素，所以星期三的惨剧尤其可悲。
临时总理阿卜杜勒•拉希姆•阿尔-凯卜（Abdel-Rahimel-Keeb）的参谋阿舒尔•沙米斯（AshurShamis）表示：“混乱的居室不可收拾，但我们总疯狂地觉得我们能控制一切。”
虽然反对党强迫与政府瓜分权力；人民对“倒卡”将带来繁荣的期望无法实现；政权无力，国家正规军队几与民兵组织一般无异，去年11月28日成立的凯卜政府几近瘫痪，只因利比亚盛产石油，的黎波里仍存有乐观主义的情绪。
座落于奈富塞山区城镇间的瓦利德巴尼（BaniWalid）曾是卡扎菲的重要据点。上月，都自我标榜为革命军的敌对武装势力用枪杆在这里决出胜负。而政府对于这样的区域性冲突束手无策。
“我们的政府是应危机(产生)的，”沙米斯在窗明几净的政府办公室说，“我们这是危机政府，不可能面面俱到。”
的黎波里的涂鸦仍然在调侃着卡扎菲去年最著名的演讲，他当时发誓死守每栋房屋每条街巷，扭曲着疤脸叫嚣着“你们算老几？”
“我们算老几？”卡扎菲漫画像上的涂鸦文字回答道。
沙米斯的办公室外，又有了新的标语。
“你在哪里？”
这个问句凸显了关于合法性的问题，这是革命后的利比亚最亟待解决的问题。官员希望五月或六月的选举将带来与埃及和突尼斯大选同样的效果：将政权交接到最能代表人民意愿的政府。但伊拉克则是个反例，战后的大选加深了党派分歧，导致内战的爆发。
这里充斥着不定因素。部分政府雇员已有一年没有支领薪水，沙米斯表示政府不知如何拨款给国家经济才能让民众切身感受到。的黎波里的居民抱怨政府决策缺乏透明性。受独裁政权影响，政府部门还保持着将决策统统扔给高层的惯性。
“他们高高在上，一边喝咖啡一边构建空中楼阁，”民兵看守下的的黎波里大学药剂学学生，20岁的伊斯拉•阿瓦斯（IsraaAhwass）如是说。
“人不会一夜之间改变”她的朋友，另一名学药剂的学生娜伊玛•穆罕默德（NaimaMohammed）打断道：“他们这样无知愚昧已经42年了。”
“但他们完全不作为。”阿瓦斯说道。
正如西边的突尼斯和东边的埃及，利比亚同样面临着卡扎菲曾极力否认的民族多元性，卡扎菲试图将少数民族柏柏尔人阿拉伯化。在这一点上，革命势力的不同呼吁，反映出对于社会分裂的担忧。街上随处可见“拒绝不和谐”、“拒绝部落化”等标语。
这一切都与利比亚作家希沙姆•马塔尔（HishamMatar）在其首部小说《人之国度》里昭示的真理相吻合。“在人之国度，民族主义如细线般薄弱，大家都寝食难安地保卫它。”民兵掌控着西部城镇、首都城郊、甚至街道的实权，使得政府权力如同洋葱一样被层层削弱。
烤肉摊主阿什拉夫•阿尔－基基（Ashrafal-Kiki）质问道：“法治何在？”这名因民兵开枪射穿他的私车而跑遍警署、的黎波里军委会、津坦民兵营的摊主，在混合着烤肉香的国歌声中说：“这是暴力统治，不是法治。”
控制的黎波里机场的势力是来自首都南部山区津坦的民兵，他们参与了攻陷的黎波里的战役，至今仍关押着卡扎菲最显赫的儿子赛伊夫•阿尔-伊斯拉姆(Seifal-Islam)。据他们提供的数字显示，有1000名民兵镇守机场，其中一名50岁的指挥官阿卜德尔－毛拉•比拉伊德(Abdel-MawlaBilaid)负责杂役，他骄傲地重复着推翻旧政府的光荣事迹，他宣称“一切进行良好，百分百正确。”
总理参谋沙米斯承认政府对民兵势力无能为力“现阶段只能如此。”这看法与津坦民兵指挥官比拉伊德相同“现在我们没有理由撤离，利比亚人民希望我们在这里。”
民兵问题已经成为革命余波留下的灾祸。虽然他们已经拆除掉首都内大多数检查站，但他们仍旧是存在于各处的强大势力。据一名人权观察组织的研究员估计，在革命战争中交战最激烈的海滨城市米苏拉塔，仍存在250多股不同的民兵势力。最近数月中，这些民兵已经成为利比亚全国人民痛恨的对象。
居民表示，部分民兵战士在政府的不作为情况下，尝试保卫法律和秩序。来自班家西和津坦的民兵保护着收容了1500名难民的难民营，这里的难民因被米苏拉塔战士指责曾帮助卡扎菲，而遭驱逐出塔维尔戈哈。自塔维尔戈哈难民进入这个曾是土耳其建筑工人工棚的营地，米苏拉塔民兵已经来掠夺过五六次，扣押数十人，其中许多人至今仍遭到羁押。
“没人挡得住米苏拉塔人”难民营中一名长者朱玛尔•阿吉拉（JumaaAgeela）形容道。
在巴什尔•卜勒贝什（BashirBrebesh）口中，驻扎在的黎波里的民兵也同样可怕。1月19日，他62岁的父亲，前利比亚驻巴黎外交官奥马尔（Omar），受传至津坦民兵营接受问讯。次日其家人在津坦一家医院里找到了奥马尔的尸体。据称他的鼻梁、肋骨被击断，脚趾甲被拔掉，头盖骨裂开，身上有被烟蒂烫伤痕迹。
民兵组织告知受害者家属，为此事件负责的人已遭逮捕，但这样的消息无法给卜勒贝什带来慰籍。32岁的卜勒贝什是旅居加拿大的神经科医师，收到父亲的死讯后赶回家乡。他说道：“我们孤立无援。他们既扮演警察，又充当法官，甚至还代替刽子手行刑，”他深吸一口气，质问道：“他们没有尊严吗？为什么不一枪了结他？这简直太残暴了，他们是否觉得听他的惨叫是一种享受？”
政府承认民间非法拷问和拘留问题的存在，但表示警察和司法部都无法根除这样的现象。政府于周二时发布移动电话短信息，呼吁民兵势力停止非法活动。
“越来越多的人在拘留中丧生，”人权观察组织紧急情况负责代表彼得•布凯特（PeterBouckaert）上月在利比亚手机证据时表示，“在任何一个阿拉伯独裁国家，这都会遭到强烈的抗议。”
本周，持续到午夜的劫掠几乎将海滨基地洗劫一空，这个曾经属于卡扎菲之子萨阿迪的院子里，只剩下一顶红色贝雷帽，一节汽车电池，一个生锈的弹药箱，以及一瓶见底的突尼斯葡萄酒。
是夜，与平常一样，各种民兵势力又在这座城市各处明争暗斗、划分地界。枪声如同寒冬的狂风，在地中海岸边呼啸直至拂晓。在黑暗中，没人能看见库兹广场（QudsSquare）上的标语“让我们团结起来，包容共存，不要让子孙再付出血的代价”；在黑暗中，没人知道是谁在开枪。
次日，柔和的阳光似乎清洗掉些许街道上的血腥，迈哈穆德•穆加利什（MahmoudMgairish）站在广场前，他问道：“他们这是怎么了？”他接着说：“我不知道这个国家将走往何方，但我对天发誓，这团乱麻永远都解不开。”
原文发表于《纽约时报》：
Libya Struggles to Curb Militias as Chaos Grows
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/0 ... %20Grows&st=cse
Jehad Nga for The New York Times
By ANTHONY SHADID
Published: February 8, 2012
CloseDiggRedditTumblrPermalink TRIPOLI, Libya — As the militiamen saw it, they had the best of intentions. They assaulted another militia at a seaside base here this week to rescue a woman who had been abducted. When the guns fell silent, briefly, the scene that unfolded felt as chaotic as Libya’s revolution these days — a government whose authority extends no further than its offices, militias whose swagger comes from guns far too plentiful and residents whose patience fades with every volley of gunfire that cracks at night.
"What did everyone expect? That two weeks after these revolutions everyone would own a McDonald's franchise and go square dancing at the VFW?"
The woman was soon freed. The base was theirs. And the plunder began.
“Nothing gets taken out!” shouted one of the militiamen, trying to enforce order.
It did anyway: a box of grenades, rusted heavy machine guns, ammunition belts, grenade launchers, crates of bottled water and an aquarium propped improbably on a moped. Men from a half-dozen militias ferried out the goods, occasionally firing into the air. They fought over looted cars, then shot them up when they did not get their way.
“This is destruction!” complained Nouri Ftais, a 51-year-old commander, who offered a rare, unheeded voice of reason. “We’re destroying Libya with our bare hands.”
The country that witnessed the Arab world’s most sweeping revolution is foundering. So is its capital, where a semblance of normality has returned after the chaotic days of the fall of Tripoli last August. But no one would consider a city ordinary where militiamen tortured to death an urbane former diplomat two weeks ago, where hundreds of refugees deemed loyal to Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi waited hopelessly in a camp and where a government official acknowledged that “freedom is a problem.” Much about the scene on Wednesday was lamentable, perhaps because the discord was so commonplace.
“Some of it is really overwhelming,” said Ashur Shamis, an adviser to Libya’s interim prime minister, Abdel-Rahim el-Keeb. “But somehow we have this crazy notion that we can defeat it.”
There remains optimism in Tripoli, not least because the country sits atop so much oil. But Mr. Keeb’s government, formed Nov. 28, has found itself virtually paralyzed by rivalries that have forced it to divvy up power along lines of regions and personalities, by unfulfillable expectations that Colonel Qaddafi’s fall would bring prosperity, and by a powerlessness so marked that the national army is treated as if it were another militia.
The government could do little as local grievances gave rise last month to clashes in Bani Walid, once a Qaddafi stronghold, and between towns in the Nafusah Mountains, where rival fighters, each claiming to represent the revolution, slugged it out with guns, grenades and artillery.
“It’s a government for a crisis,” Mr. Shamis said, in an office outfitted in the sharp angles of glass and chrome. “It’s a crisis government. It is impossible to deliver everything.”
Graffiti in Tripoli still plays on Colonel Qaddafi’s most memorable speech last year, when he vowed to fight house to house, alley to alley. “Who are you?” he taunted, seeming to offer his best impression of Tony Montana in “Scarface.”
“Who am I?” the words written over his cartoonish portrait answered back.
Across from Mr. Shamis’s office a new slogan has appeared.
“Where are you?” it asks.
The question underlines the issue of legitimacy, which remains the most pressing matter in revolutionary Libya. Officials hope that elections in May or June can do what they did in Egypt and Tunisia: convey authority to an elected body that can claim the mantle of popular will. But Iraq remains a counterpoint. There, elections after the American invasion widened divisions so dangerously that they helped unleash a civil war.
A sense of entropy lingers here. Some state employees have gone without salaries for a year, and Mr. Shamis acknowledged that the government had no idea how to channel enough money into the economy so that it would be felt in the streets. Tripoli residents complain about a lack of transparency in government decisions. Ministries still seem paralyzed by the tendency, instilled during the dictatorship, to defer every decision to the top.
“They’re sitting on their chairs, they’re drinking coffee and they’re drafting projects that stay in the realm of their imagination,” said Israa Ahwass, a 20-year-old pharmacy student at Tripoli University, which was guarded by a knot of militiamen.
"What did everyone expect? That two weeks after these revolutions everyone would own a McDonald's franchise and go square dancing at the VFW?"
“How can you change people overnight?” interrupted her friend, Naima Mohammed, who is also studying pharmacy. “It’s been 42 years of ignorance.”
“They’re not doing a single thing,” Ms. Ahwass replied.
Like Tunisia to the west and Egypt to the east, Libya is confronting a diversity Colonel Qaddafi denied so strenuously that he tried to convince the minority Berbers that they were, in fact, Arabs. The revolution has its variation on this theme, appeals that mirror the fears of social fracturing. “No to discord” and “No to tribalism,” declare slogans that adorn the streets.
They all hint at the truth that the Libyan author Hisham Matar evoked in his first novel, “In the Country of Men,” when he wrote, “Nationalism is as thin as a thread, perhaps that’s why many feel that it needs to be anxiously guarded.” Authority here peels like an onion, imposed by militias bearing the stamp of towns elsewhere in the west, neighborhoods in the capital, even its streets.
“Where is the rule of law?” asked Ashraf al-Kiki, a vendor who had gone to a police station, the Tripoli Military Council and a militia from Zintan in pursuit of compensation after militiamen shot holes in his car. The scent of the kebab he grilled wafted over speakers playing the national anthem. “This is the rule of force, not the rule of law.”
The force at the Tripoli airport is the powerful militia from Zintan, a mountain town south of the capital, which played a role in Tripoli’s fall and still holds prisoner Colonel Qaddafi’s most prominent son, Seif al-Islam. By its count, it has 1,000 men at the airport, and one of its commanders there, Abdel-Mawla Bilaid, a 50-year-old man in fatigues, parroted the cavalier pronouncements of the government he helped overthrow. “Everything’s going 100 percent right,” he declared.
Mr. Shamis, the prime minister’s adviser, acknowledged the government’s inability to do anything about the militia’s presence. “Let it be for now,” he said.
That was the sense of the commander, too. “There’s no reason for us to leave,” Mr. Bilaid said. “The Libyan people want us to stay here.”
The militias are proving to be the scourge of the revolution’s aftermath. Though they have dismantled most of their checkpoints in the capital, they remain a force, here and elsewhere. A Human Rights Watch researcher estimated there are 250 separate militias in the coastal city of Misurata, the scene of perhaps the fiercest battle of the revolution. In recent months those militias have become the most loathed in the country.
Residents say some of the fighters have sought to preserve law and order in the midst of government helplessness. Militias from Benghazi and Zintan are trying to protect a refugee camp of 1,500 people driven from their homes in Tawergha by fighters from Misurata, who bitterly blamed them for aiding Colonel Qaddafi’s assault on their town. Since the Tawerghans arrived in the camp, which once housed Turkish construction workers in Tripoli, Misurata militiamen have staged raids five or six times there despite the presence of the other militias, detaining dozens, many of them still in custody.
“Nobody holds back the Misuratans,” said Jumaa Ageela, an elder there.
Bashir Brebesh said the same was true for the militias in Tripoli. On Jan. 19, his 62-year-old father, Omar, a former Libyan diplomat in Paris, was called in for questioning by militiamen from Zintan. The next day, the family found his body at a hospital in Zintan. His nose was broken, as were his ribs. The nails had been pulled from his toes, they said. His skull was fractured, and his body bore signs of burns from cigarettes.
The militia told the family that the men responsible had been arrested, an assurance Mr. Brebesh said offered little consolation. “We feel we are alone,” he said.
“They’re putting themselves as the policeman, as the judge and as the executioner,” said Mr. Brebesh, 32, a neurology resident in Canada, who came home after learning of his father’s death. He inhaled deeply. “Did they not have enough dignity to just shoot him in the head?” he asked. “It’s so monstrous. Did they enjoy hearing him scream?”
The government has acknowledged the torture and detentions, but it admits that the police and Justice Ministry are not up to the task of stopping them. On Tuesday, it sent out a text message on cellphones, pleading for the militias to stop.
“People are turning up dead in detention at an alarming rate,” said Peter Bouckaert, the emergencies director at Human Rights Watch, who was compiling evidence in Libya last month. “If this was happening under any Arab dictatorship, there would be an outcry.”
At the seaside base this week, the looting ended before midnight. Not much was left at the compound, which once belonged to Colonel Qaddafi’s son Saadi — a red beret, a car battery, a rusted ammunition case and an empty bottle of Tunisian wine.
But as on most nights, militias returned to contest other spots in the city, demarcating their turf. Like a winter squall, their shooting thundered over the Mediterranean seafront into the early hours. In the dark, no one could read the slogans in Quds Square. “Because the price was the blood of our children, let’s unify, let’s show tolerance and let’s live together,” one read. In the dark, no one knew who was firing.
“What’s wrong with them?” asked Mahmoud Mgairish. He stood near the square the next morning, as a soft sun seemed to wash the streets. “I don’t know where this country is heading,” he went on. “I swear to God, this will never get untangled.”
Libya Struggles to Curb Militias as Chaos Grows
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/0 ... %20Grows&st=cse
Jehad Nga for The New York Times
By ANTHONY SHADID
Published: February 8, 2012
CloseDiggRedditTumblrPermalink TRIPOLI, Libya — As the militiamen saw it, they had the best of intentions. They assaulted another militia at a seaside base here this week to rescue a woman who had been abducted. When the guns fell silent, briefly, the scene that unfolded felt as chaotic as Libya’s revolution these days — a government whose authority extends no further than its offices, militias whose swagger comes from guns far too plentiful and residents whose patience fades with every volley of gunfire that cracks at night.
"What did everyone expect? That two weeks after these revolutions everyone would own a McDonald's franchise and go square dancing at the VFW?"
The woman was soon freed. The base was theirs. And the plunder began.
“Nothing gets taken out!” shouted one of the militiamen, trying to enforce order.
It did anyway: a box of grenades, rusted heavy machine guns, ammunition belts, grenade launchers, crates of bottled water and an aquarium propped improbably on a moped. Men from a half-dozen militias ferried out the goods, occasionally firing into the air. They fought over looted cars, then shot them up when they did not get their way.
“This is destruction!” complained Nouri Ftais, a 51-year-old commander, who offered a rare, unheeded voice of reason. “We’re destroying Libya with our bare hands.”
The country that witnessed the Arab world’s most sweeping revolution is foundering. So is its capital, where a semblance of normality has returned after the chaotic days of the fall of Tripoli last August. But no one would consider a city ordinary where militiamen tortured to death an urbane former diplomat two weeks ago, where hundreds of refugees deemed loyal to Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi waited hopelessly in a camp and where a government official acknowledged that “freedom is a problem.” Much about the scene on Wednesday was lamentable, perhaps because the discord was so commonplace.
“Some of it is really overwhelming,” said Ashur Shamis, an adviser to Libya’s interim prime minister, Abdel-Rahim el-Keeb. “But somehow we have this crazy notion that we can defeat it.”
There remains optimism in Tripoli, not least because the country sits atop so much oil. But Mr. Keeb’s government, formed Nov. 28, has found itself virtually paralyzed by rivalries that have forced it to divvy up power along lines of regions and personalities, by unfulfillable expectations that Colonel Qaddafi’s fall would bring prosperity, and by a powerlessness so marked that the national army is treated as if it were another militia.
The government could do little as local grievances gave rise last month to clashes in Bani Walid, once a Qaddafi stronghold, and between towns in the Nafusah Mountains, where rival fighters, each claiming to represent the revolution, slugged it out with guns, grenades and artillery.
“It’s a government for a crisis,” Mr. Shamis said, in an office outfitted in the sharp angles of glass and chrome. “It’s a crisis government. It is impossible to deliver everything.”
Graffiti in Tripoli still plays on Colonel Qaddafi’s most memorable speech last year, when he vowed to fight house to house, alley to alley. “Who are you?” he taunted, seeming to offer his best impression of Tony Montana in “Scarface.”
“Who am I?” the words written over his cartoonish portrait answered back.
Across from Mr. Shamis’s office a new slogan has appeared.
“Where are you?” it asks.
The question underlines the issue of legitimacy, which remains the most pressing matter in revolutionary Libya. Officials hope that elections in May or June can do what they did in Egypt and Tunisia: convey authority to an elected body that can claim the mantle of popular will. But Iraq remains a counterpoint. There, elections after the American invasion widened divisions so dangerously that they helped unleash a civil war.
A sense of entropy lingers here. Some state employees have gone without salaries for a year, and Mr. Shamis acknowledged that the government had no idea how to channel enough money into the economy so that it would be felt in the streets. Tripoli residents complain about a lack of transparency in government decisions. Ministries still seem paralyzed by the tendency, instilled during the dictatorship, to defer every decision to the top.
“They’re sitting on their chairs, they’re drinking coffee and they’re drafting projects that stay in the realm of their imagination,” said Israa Ahwass, a 20-year-old pharmacy student at Tripoli University, which was guarded by a knot of militiamen.
"What did everyone expect? That two weeks after these revolutions everyone would own a McDonald's franchise and go square dancing at the VFW?"
“How can you change people overnight?” interrupted her friend, Naima Mohammed, who is also studying pharmacy. “It’s been 42 years of ignorance.”
“They’re not doing a single thing,” Ms. Ahwass replied.
Like Tunisia to the west and Egypt to the east, Libya is confronting a diversity Colonel Qaddafi denied so strenuously that he tried to convince the minority Berbers that they were, in fact, Arabs. The revolution has its variation on this theme, appeals that mirror the fears of social fracturing. “No to discord” and “No to tribalism,” declare slogans that adorn the streets.
They all hint at the truth that the Libyan author Hisham Matar evoked in his first novel, “In the Country of Men,” when he wrote, “Nationalism is as thin as a thread, perhaps that’s why many feel that it needs to be anxiously guarded.” Authority here peels like an onion, imposed by militias bearing the stamp of towns elsewhere in the west, neighborhoods in the capital, even its streets.
“Where is the rule of law?” asked Ashraf al-Kiki, a vendor who had gone to a police station, the Tripoli Military Council and a militia from Zintan in pursuit of compensation after militiamen shot holes in his car. The scent of the kebab he grilled wafted over speakers playing the national anthem. “This is the rule of force, not the rule of law.”
The force at the Tripoli airport is the powerful militia from Zintan, a mountain town south of the capital, which played a role in Tripoli’s fall and still holds prisoner Colonel Qaddafi’s most prominent son, Seif al-Islam. By its count, it has 1,000 men at the airport, and one of its commanders there, Abdel-Mawla Bilaid, a 50-year-old man in fatigues, parroted the cavalier pronouncements of the government he helped overthrow. “Everything’s going 100 percent right,” he declared.
Mr. Shamis, the prime minister’s adviser, acknowledged the government’s inability to do anything about the militia’s presence. “Let it be for now,” he said.
That was the sense of the commander, too. “There’s no reason for us to leave,” Mr. Bilaid said. “The Libyan people want us to stay here.”
The militias are proving to be the scourge of the revolution’s aftermath. Though they have dismantled most of their checkpoints in the capital, they remain a force, here and elsewhere. A Human Rights Watch researcher estimated there are 250 separate militias in the coastal city of Misurata, the scene of perhaps the fiercest battle of the revolution. In recent months those militias have become the most loathed in the country.
Residents say some of the fighters have sought to preserve law and order in the midst of government helplessness. Militias from Benghazi and Zintan are trying to protect a refugee camp of 1,500 people driven from their homes in Tawergha by fighters from Misurata, who bitterly blamed them for aiding Colonel Qaddafi’s assault on their town. Since the Tawerghans arrived in the camp, which once housed Turkish construction workers in Tripoli, Misurata militiamen have staged raids five or six times there despite the presence of the other militias, detaining dozens, many of them still in custody.
“Nobody holds back the Misuratans,” said Jumaa Ageela, an elder there.
Bashir Brebesh said the same was true for the militias in Tripoli. On Jan. 19, his 62-year-old father, Omar, a former Libyan diplomat in Paris, was called in for questioning by militiamen from Zintan. The next day, the family found his body at a hospital in Zintan. His nose was broken, as were his ribs. The nails had been pulled from his toes, they said. His skull was fractured, and his body bore signs of burns from cigarettes.
The militia told the family that the men responsible had been arrested, an assurance Mr. Brebesh said offered little consolation. “We feel we are alone,” he said.
“They’re putting themselves as the policeman, as the judge and as the executioner,” said Mr. Brebesh, 32, a neurology resident in Canada, who came home after learning of his father’s death. He inhaled deeply. “Did they not have enough dignity to just shoot him in the head?” he asked. “It’s so monstrous. Did they enjoy hearing him scream?”
The government has acknowledged the torture and detentions, but it admits that the police and Justice Ministry are not up to the task of stopping them. On Tuesday, it sent out a text message on cellphones, pleading for the militias to stop.
“People are turning up dead in detention at an alarming rate,” said Peter Bouckaert, the emergencies director at Human Rights Watch, who was compiling evidence in Libya last month. “If this was happening under any Arab dictatorship, there would be an outcry.”
At the seaside base this week, the looting ended before midnight. Not much was left at the compound, which once belonged to Colonel Qaddafi’s son Saadi — a red beret, a car battery, a rusted ammunition case and an empty bottle of Tunisian wine.
But as on most nights, militias returned to contest other spots in the city, demarcating their turf. Like a winter squall, their shooting thundered over the Mediterranean seafront into the early hours. In the dark, no one could read the slogans in Quds Square. “Because the price was the blood of our children, let’s unify, let’s show tolerance and let’s live together,” one read. In the dark, no one knew who was firing.
“What’s wrong with them?” asked Mahmoud Mgairish. He stood near the square the next morning, as a soft sun seemed to wash the streets. “I don’t know where this country is heading,” he went on. “I swear to God, this will never get untangled.”
组图：
http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow ... 209-tripoli-ss.html
组图：
http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow ... 209-tripoli-ss.html
没事没事,他们有民主和自由,........;其它的,都不重要,.......;
美国人不是一直都这么说吗??
美国人不是一直都这么说吗??
好啊，枪杆子出民主
烧吧,斗吧,打吧,炸出一个新世界
这样才是应该的。
乱斗也是冥主的乱斗，死人也是在冥主下的死人——正所谓宁做冥主的鬼，不做独 裁的人
在部落国家,只能讲丛林法则,利比亚需要一个铁腕的政治强人做领袖.
这些个暴力，抢掠，部落内战等情景在黑非洲国家比比皆是，如果不是利比亚有石油，根本没人关心。
民主自由的皇军管杀不管埋啊！这是伟大革命带来的一点小小的副产品，就像当年攻克巴格达后美国指挥官说的：他们自由了，当然包括抢劫的自由
自由的杀人或被杀。这不是个问题。
西方人推倒大佐抢到石油就目的达到。利比亚人自生自灭，连西方传媒都无兴趣了。现在又依法泡制叙利亚版。
全民皆兵的人民是不可奴役的。
美国为首的西方皿煮们为利比亚人民灭了一只乌蝇却搅出一锅屎。够他们恶心一阵子了。
真可谓应了那句古经：宁为和平狗不为乱世人！
真可谓应了那句古经：宁为和平狗不为乱世人！
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
小丹尼 发表于 2012-2-23 20:39 
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
利比亚的那个地方？有啥典故？
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
利比亚的那个地方？有啥典故？
终于民主了
利比亚现在鸟语花香、海清河晏，天下太平，你看到的都是局部，是不客观不公正的，我坚信利比亚人民生活在牛奶和蜜之中。
只能等到出现一个军事政治强人出来才行了
在米苏拉塔有250股不同势力的民兵，呵呵。。这要拼出老大还真不容易啊！
这是MD报纸报道的？
小丹尼 发表于 2012-2-23 20:39
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
黑鹰坠落好像有这么一个类似的地理场景
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
黑鹰坠落好像有这么一个类似的地理场景
这不正是美国和西方想要的么
北非曾经最富有的国家算什么，只要痔油的空气，其他什么都可砸碎，不需要的
小丹尼 发表于 2012-2-23 20:39
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
要是能找出没战乱之前同一角度的照片就好了。
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
要是能找出没战乱之前同一角度的照片就好了。
典型的先动手后思考。
也很顺利地成为了西方的棋子。目的已达到，棋子就没用了。
也很顺利地成为了西方的棋子。目的已达到，棋子就没用了。
乱得一团糟。。。
什么时候再杀回首都
自作孽不可活，看看这些满是弹孔的街区，那些跟在后边叫嚣着自由的狗们，请问你们自由了么
其实话说回来，那些跟在后边起哄的人，还真就是趁着乱起来，抢点粮食抢几个女人。
再这么持续下去，石油都没人生产了，外国势力开始进入利比亚划片分地皮，这时，人们开始怀念卡扎菲{:soso_e151:}
自作孽不可活，看看这些满是弹孔的街区，那些跟在后边叫嚣着自由的狗们，请问你们自由了么
其实话说回来，那些跟在后边起哄的人，还真就是趁着乱起来，抢点粮食抢几个女人。
再这么持续下去，石油都没人生产了，外国势力开始进入利比亚划片分地皮，这时，人们开始怀念卡扎菲{:soso_e151:}
来自利比亚首都的黎波里的报道，在当地的民兵看来，他们的动机无比高尚纯粹：为营救一名遭绑架的女性，他们于本周攻击了另一个海滨民兵基地。
现实版的抢钱、抢粮、抢娘们。
现实版的抢钱、抢粮、抢娘们。只有基地或兄弟会能建立有效的政府了。私募一代
每人可以拯救他们，萨科齐和奥巴马，会感到内疚不？
小丹尼 发表于 2012-2-23 20:39
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
苏尔特 吧 老卡的 老家 半年了还是原来那样啊
远处的上坡路大家眼熟吧?
苏尔特 吧 老卡的 老家 半年了还是原来那样啊
阿西莫夫礼物飞 发表于 2012-2-23 20:46
利比亚的那个地方？有啥典故？
苏尔特市区激战，很有名的战斗场景照片，当时很多欧美记者在那里拍，巷战画面很快传遍全球，但战后发生的劫掠照片却没有正规媒体报道。
利比亚的那个地方？有啥典故？
苏尔特市区激战，很有名的战斗场景照片，当时很多欧美记者在那里拍，巷战画面很快传遍全球，但战后发生的劫掠照片却没有正规媒体报道。
为了形式上的民主
到最后把国家弄成了无政府的混乱状态 美国人真的没有反省吗
到最后把国家弄成了无政府的混乱状态 美国人真的没有反省吗
MZ需要牺牲，牺牲你一代，幸福后事万万代
觉悟吧，民兵，为自由战斗
觉悟吧，民兵，为自由战斗
自由！自由！多少罪恶假汝名以行之！
lxq409 发表于 2012-2-23 21:47
为了形式上的民主
到最后把国家弄成了无政府的混乱状态 美国人真的没有反省吗
奥巴马说：“不是我干的，要找就找那个矮子”。
为了形式上的民主
到最后把国家弄成了无政府的混乱状态 美国人真的没有反省吗
奥巴马说：“不是我干的，要找就找那个矮子”。