超级军网《华盛顿邮报》称尽管马英九当选，统一依然无望
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/27 21:42:52
Taiwan unlikely to move to reunify with China, despite Ma Ying-jeou’s reelection
尽管马英九获胜，台湾不大可能与中国统一
TAIPEI, Taiwan — At the 228 Memorial Museum, a shrine to the victims of a 1947 massacre by Chinese troops, staff members were in mourning Sunday over the reelection of Ma Ying-jeou, a president they think wants to turn Taiwan over to China.
台北，台湾——为纪念1947年被中国军队屠杀的受害者而设立的228纪念馆内，工作人员正为马英九连任成功哀伤不已，他们认为马总统想把台湾拱手让给中国。
（这篇文章写得很有心机，第一句就把228归在＂中国＂的头上，直到第二段才作解释，可是一大片只看标题和开头的读者早转台了，兔子果断中枪。）
“China has us by the throat, and now he’s going to surrender,” said Ang Hwih Hwih, a diehard advocate of independence for Taiwan, an island of 23 million people that Beijing views as a wayward Chinese province. Ang cried at the news that Ma – whose Kuomintang party orchestrated the slaughter of 1947 — had won a second four-year term and thus a mandate to press ahead with a policy of rapprochement with Beijing.
死硬台独人士Ang Hwih Hwih称：＂中国扼我咽喉，马英九就要投降了。＂台湾岛拥有二千三百万人口，在北京眼中是一个脱缰的省份。马英九获胜的消息传来，Ang Hwih Hwih失声痛哭。马英九所在的国民党导演了1947年的屠杀，马再任四年势将继续推进与北京交好的政策。
But although Saturday’s election results may have dispirited Ang and fellow believers in independence — and delighted Communist Party leaders in Beijing who want unification — there is little sign that Ma has any intention of moving toward, or has any public backing for, a political settlement with China on Taiwan’s status.
尽管周六的选举结果或令Ang Hwih Hwih及其他台独人士失望、令希望统一的北京欢欣，但是，几乎没有迹象表明马英九意图（或拥有任何大众支持）与中国在政治上确定台湾的地位。
“There is no rush to open up political dialogue,” Ma said shortly after declaring victory over Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party . “It’s not a looming issue.”
宣布获胜后，马英九迅速表示：＂我们不急于开启政治对话，这不是迫切问题。＂
It is not a popular issue, either. Public support for unification, which Beijing views as the aim of political discussions, has withered to insignificance, according to public opinion surveys by the Election Study Center at Taiwan’s National Chengchi University. Independence is not popular either, but it enjoys far more support than a merger with China.
这也不是一个受欢迎的问题。据台湾国立政治大学选举研究中心的民意调查显示，公众对统一的支持率——北京视统一为政治谈判的目标——已降到可忽略不计的地步。独立也不受欢迎，但得到的支持要比统一多得多。
In a 2011 poll, only 1.4 percent of respondents said they wanted swift unification, and 60 percent favored keeping the status quo either indefinitely or until some undecided future date. Only 8.7 percent said they prefer the status quo with eventual unification, compared with 23 percent who want either immediate independence or the status quo with moves toward independence.
在2011年的一份调查中，仅有1.4%的受访者称希望快速统一，60%希望无限期或在未来不定时期内维持现状。仅有8.7%希望保持现状并最终统一，相比之下，有23%希望立即独立或保持现状并最终独立。
Beijing has repeatedly said it will use all means, including force, to block any move by Taiwan, already a separate state in all but name, to declare formal independence.
北京已多次声称将动用包括武力在内的一切手段，以阻止台湾这个除了在名份外早已独立的国家正式宣布独立。
Even Ma’s fervent fans dismiss the idea of joining China anytime soon. “When the Communist Party is gone and they have democracy, we can talk about it,” said Lin Chun-ching, an elderly Kuomintang supporter. He spent Election Day feeding birds outside a giant memorial hall to Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese leader who, defeated by Mao Zedong in China’s civil war, decamped to Taiwan in 1949.
即使是马英九的狂热追随者也不齿与中国迅速统一的主意。支持国民党的老人Lin Chun-ching表示：＂等中共下台、实现民主之后，我们再来谈论这个话题。＂选举当日，他在宏大的蒋介石纪念堂外喂鸟，蒋曾是中国领导人，在内战中被毛泽东所败，于1949年移师台湾。
Chiang, who dreamed of reconquering China and was hailed for decades in Taiwan as a hero, is now widely dismissed as delusional, a dictator or simply irrelevant. The grounds of his memorial hall used to be named in his honor but are now called Freedom Square. Most of the visitors these days are tourists, many from China.
蒋介石曾梦想反攻大陆，并在过去几十年里被台湾视为英雄。如今，他被广泛斥为不切实际、独裁或无足轻重。纪念堂前的广场原以他的名字命名，现已改名自由广场。大多数参访者是观光客，许多还来自中国。
Chiang’s old — and the Communist Party’s current — dream of a single, united China holds little appeal for most people in Taiwan, said Su Chi, the former head of Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council. Both unification and independence are “issues of faith” best left to one side.
台湾行政院大陆委员会前会长Su Chi表示：蒋的旧梦及中共当今的梦想——统一的中国在台湾没有什么号召力，但独统乃＂信仰问题＂，最好留于一方。
（注：不大清楚left to one side具体指什么）
Business across the Taiwan Strait has grown steadily for two decades and is set to surge further following a landmark 2010 trade accord. Taiwan’s sense of separateness, however, also has grown.
海峡两岸的经济往来在近二十年来稳步增长，且必将在2010年地标性贸易协定之后继续攀升。但台湾的独立感也日益增强。
Between 1992 and 2011, according to surveys by the Election Study Center, the proportion of people describing themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese soared from 17 percent to 54 percent. The share identifying themselves as Chinese, meanwhile, plunged from 25 percent to 4 percent.
92年至11年间，据选举研究中心调查，自认为是台湾人而非中国人的人群比例从17%飙升至54%。认为自己是中国人的比例则从25%跌落至百分之四。
“The growth of Taiwanese identity is very, very significant” and “makes it more and more difficult for Ma to maneuver vis-a-vis China,” said Bruce Jacobs, an expert on Taiwan at Australia’s Monash University. Having quietly backed Ma during the election campaign, Beijing is “now expecting a payoff, but Ma is really constrained.”
澳大利亚Monash大学台湾问题专家Bruce Jacobs称：＂台湾身份意识的成长非常非常显著，令马英九更难与中国面对面协商。在暗中力挺马英九之后，北京希望有所回报，但马英九实在是受多方牵制。＂
When Jacobs first came to Taiwan in 1965, the island was under martial law, talk of a separate identity for Taiwan was taboo and the Kuomintang was dominated by refugees from China yearning for their homeland. Now, he said, even the “KMT is overwhelmingly Taiwanese” and any bid by Ma to reach a political deal with Beijing “would be stopped cold in his own party.”
当Bruce Jacobs于1965年首次访台时，该岛仍处于军统之下，关于台湾独立地位的讨论被视为禁忌，国民党掌握在思乡的难民手中。但现如今，国民党大多是台湾人，马英九任何关于与北京达成政治协定的提议在党内都无法通过。
China, though still prone to rhetoric about the “sacred mission” to unify the “motherland” and the occasional menacing propaganda blast from the military, has dropped a push from the 1990s for unification and shifted its focus under party leader Hu Jintao to preventing independence.
尽管中国依旧使用＂统一祖国的神圣使命＂等词汇，并不时有来自军方的强悍宣传攻势，但它已放弃上世纪九十年代对统一的追求，在胡的领导下转而着眼于阻止独立。
China’s official Xinhua news agency Sunday welcomed Ma’s victory and said it “may open new chances.” But it acknowledged that the “situation in the island is still complicated” and that “there are still some long-term disputes and divergences existing between the two sides.” The issue of independence, it added, “will continue to haunt the cross-Strait relations development.”
中国官方的新华社周日欢迎马英九的当选，并称＂将有可能带来新的机遇＂，但同时承认＂岛内局势依然复杂＂、＂双方仍存有一些长期争议与分歧＂。新华社还指出台独问题＂仍将继续影响两岸关系的发展＂。
As the presidential campaign reached its climax last week, Ma, who was born in then-British-ruled Hong Kong to parents who had fled China’s 1949 communist takeover, scoffed at warnings by his opponents that he might rush to Beijing for a political deal.
当选战在上周达到高潮时，出生于当时仍处英国治下的香港、父母均为大陆逃亡人士的马英九驳斥反对者发出的关于他有可能迅速奔向北京达成政治协定的警告。
“If I win this election, I will not be visiting China,” he said. China would like him to visit, but only as the representative of “Taiwan province,” not as the head of the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. “I will not change my identity to visit China,” he said.
他说：＂我若当选，我绝不会访问中国，中国希望我以台湾省代表而不是中华民国总统的身份造访，我不会为了访问中国而改变身份。＂
华盛顿邮报原文链接http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/taiwan-wants-a-separate-peace-with-china/2012/01/15/gIQA3ufF1P_story.html?hpid=z4Taiwan unlikely to move to reunify with China, despite Ma Ying-jeou’s reelection
尽管马英九获胜，台湾不大可能与中国统一
TAIPEI, Taiwan — At the 228 Memorial Museum, a shrine to the victims of a 1947 massacre by Chinese troops, staff members were in mourning Sunday over the reelection of Ma Ying-jeou, a president they think wants to turn Taiwan over to China.
台北，台湾——为纪念1947年被中国军队屠杀的受害者而设立的228纪念馆内，工作人员正为马英九连任成功哀伤不已，他们认为马总统想把台湾拱手让给中国。
（这篇文章写得很有心机，第一句就把228归在＂中国＂的头上，直到第二段才作解释，可是一大片只看标题和开头的读者早转台了，兔子果断中枪。）
“China has us by the throat, and now he’s going to surrender,” said Ang Hwih Hwih, a diehard advocate of independence for Taiwan, an island of 23 million people that Beijing views as a wayward Chinese province. Ang cried at the news that Ma – whose Kuomintang party orchestrated the slaughter of 1947 — had won a second four-year term and thus a mandate to press ahead with a policy of rapprochement with Beijing.
死硬台独人士Ang Hwih Hwih称：＂中国扼我咽喉，马英九就要投降了。＂台湾岛拥有二千三百万人口，在北京眼中是一个脱缰的省份。马英九获胜的消息传来，Ang Hwih Hwih失声痛哭。马英九所在的国民党导演了1947年的屠杀，马再任四年势将继续推进与北京交好的政策。
But although Saturday’s election results may have dispirited Ang and fellow believers in independence — and delighted Communist Party leaders in Beijing who want unification — there is little sign that Ma has any intention of moving toward, or has any public backing for, a political settlement with China on Taiwan’s status.
尽管周六的选举结果或令Ang Hwih Hwih及其他台独人士失望、令希望统一的北京欢欣，但是，几乎没有迹象表明马英九意图（或拥有任何大众支持）与中国在政治上确定台湾的地位。
“There is no rush to open up political dialogue,” Ma said shortly after declaring victory over Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party . “It’s not a looming issue.”
宣布获胜后，马英九迅速表示：＂我们不急于开启政治对话，这不是迫切问题。＂
It is not a popular issue, either. Public support for unification, which Beijing views as the aim of political discussions, has withered to insignificance, according to public opinion surveys by the Election Study Center at Taiwan’s National Chengchi University. Independence is not popular either, but it enjoys far more support than a merger with China.
这也不是一个受欢迎的问题。据台湾国立政治大学选举研究中心的民意调查显示，公众对统一的支持率——北京视统一为政治谈判的目标——已降到可忽略不计的地步。独立也不受欢迎，但得到的支持要比统一多得多。
In a 2011 poll, only 1.4 percent of respondents said they wanted swift unification, and 60 percent favored keeping the status quo either indefinitely or until some undecided future date. Only 8.7 percent said they prefer the status quo with eventual unification, compared with 23 percent who want either immediate independence or the status quo with moves toward independence.
在2011年的一份调查中，仅有1.4%的受访者称希望快速统一，60%希望无限期或在未来不定时期内维持现状。仅有8.7%希望保持现状并最终统一，相比之下，有23%希望立即独立或保持现状并最终独立。
Beijing has repeatedly said it will use all means, including force, to block any move by Taiwan, already a separate state in all but name, to declare formal independence.
北京已多次声称将动用包括武力在内的一切手段，以阻止台湾这个除了在名份外早已独立的国家正式宣布独立。
Even Ma’s fervent fans dismiss the idea of joining China anytime soon. “When the Communist Party is gone and they have democracy, we can talk about it,” said Lin Chun-ching, an elderly Kuomintang supporter. He spent Election Day feeding birds outside a giant memorial hall to Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese leader who, defeated by Mao Zedong in China’s civil war, decamped to Taiwan in 1949.
即使是马英九的狂热追随者也不齿与中国迅速统一的主意。支持国民党的老人Lin Chun-ching表示：＂等中共下台、实现民主之后，我们再来谈论这个话题。＂选举当日，他在宏大的蒋介石纪念堂外喂鸟，蒋曾是中国领导人，在内战中被毛泽东所败，于1949年移师台湾。
Chiang, who dreamed of reconquering China and was hailed for decades in Taiwan as a hero, is now widely dismissed as delusional, a dictator or simply irrelevant. The grounds of his memorial hall used to be named in his honor but are now called Freedom Square. Most of the visitors these days are tourists, many from China.
蒋介石曾梦想反攻大陆，并在过去几十年里被台湾视为英雄。如今，他被广泛斥为不切实际、独裁或无足轻重。纪念堂前的广场原以他的名字命名，现已改名自由广场。大多数参访者是观光客，许多还来自中国。
Chiang’s old — and the Communist Party’s current — dream of a single, united China holds little appeal for most people in Taiwan, said Su Chi, the former head of Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council. Both unification and independence are “issues of faith” best left to one side.
台湾行政院大陆委员会前会长Su Chi表示：蒋的旧梦及中共当今的梦想——统一的中国在台湾没有什么号召力，但独统乃＂信仰问题＂，最好留于一方。
（注：不大清楚left to one side具体指什么）
Business across the Taiwan Strait has grown steadily for two decades and is set to surge further following a landmark 2010 trade accord. Taiwan’s sense of separateness, however, also has grown.
海峡两岸的经济往来在近二十年来稳步增长，且必将在2010年地标性贸易协定之后继续攀升。但台湾的独立感也日益增强。
Between 1992 and 2011, according to surveys by the Election Study Center, the proportion of people describing themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese soared from 17 percent to 54 percent. The share identifying themselves as Chinese, meanwhile, plunged from 25 percent to 4 percent.
92年至11年间，据选举研究中心调查，自认为是台湾人而非中国人的人群比例从17%飙升至54%。认为自己是中国人的比例则从25%跌落至百分之四。
“The growth of Taiwanese identity is very, very significant” and “makes it more and more difficult for Ma to maneuver vis-a-vis China,” said Bruce Jacobs, an expert on Taiwan at Australia’s Monash University. Having quietly backed Ma during the election campaign, Beijing is “now expecting a payoff, but Ma is really constrained.”
澳大利亚Monash大学台湾问题专家Bruce Jacobs称：＂台湾身份意识的成长非常非常显著，令马英九更难与中国面对面协商。在暗中力挺马英九之后，北京希望有所回报，但马英九实在是受多方牵制。＂
When Jacobs first came to Taiwan in 1965, the island was under martial law, talk of a separate identity for Taiwan was taboo and the Kuomintang was dominated by refugees from China yearning for their homeland. Now, he said, even the “KMT is overwhelmingly Taiwanese” and any bid by Ma to reach a political deal with Beijing “would be stopped cold in his own party.”
当Bruce Jacobs于1965年首次访台时，该岛仍处于军统之下，关于台湾独立地位的讨论被视为禁忌，国民党掌握在思乡的难民手中。但现如今，国民党大多是台湾人，马英九任何关于与北京达成政治协定的提议在党内都无法通过。
China, though still prone to rhetoric about the “sacred mission” to unify the “motherland” and the occasional menacing propaganda blast from the military, has dropped a push from the 1990s for unification and shifted its focus under party leader Hu Jintao to preventing independence.
尽管中国依旧使用＂统一祖国的神圣使命＂等词汇，并不时有来自军方的强悍宣传攻势，但它已放弃上世纪九十年代对统一的追求，在胡的领导下转而着眼于阻止独立。
China’s official Xinhua news agency Sunday welcomed Ma’s victory and said it “may open new chances.” But it acknowledged that the “situation in the island is still complicated” and that “there are still some long-term disputes and divergences existing between the two sides.” The issue of independence, it added, “will continue to haunt the cross-Strait relations development.”
中国官方的新华社周日欢迎马英九的当选，并称＂将有可能带来新的机遇＂，但同时承认＂岛内局势依然复杂＂、＂双方仍存有一些长期争议与分歧＂。新华社还指出台独问题＂仍将继续影响两岸关系的发展＂。
As the presidential campaign reached its climax last week, Ma, who was born in then-British-ruled Hong Kong to parents who had fled China’s 1949 communist takeover, scoffed at warnings by his opponents that he might rush to Beijing for a political deal.
当选战在上周达到高潮时，出生于当时仍处英国治下的香港、父母均为大陆逃亡人士的马英九驳斥反对者发出的关于他有可能迅速奔向北京达成政治协定的警告。
“If I win this election, I will not be visiting China,” he said. China would like him to visit, but only as the representative of “Taiwan province,” not as the head of the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. “I will not change my identity to visit China,” he said.
他说：＂我若当选，我绝不会访问中国，中国希望我以台湾省代表而不是中华民国总统的身份造访，我不会为了访问中国而改变身份。＂
华盛顿邮报原文链接http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/taiwan-wants-a-separate-peace-with-china/2012/01/15/gIQA3ufF1P_story.html?hpid=z4
尽管马英九获胜，台湾不大可能与中国统一
TAIPEI, Taiwan — At the 228 Memorial Museum, a shrine to the victims of a 1947 massacre by Chinese troops, staff members were in mourning Sunday over the reelection of Ma Ying-jeou, a president they think wants to turn Taiwan over to China.
台北，台湾——为纪念1947年被中国军队屠杀的受害者而设立的228纪念馆内，工作人员正为马英九连任成功哀伤不已，他们认为马总统想把台湾拱手让给中国。
（这篇文章写得很有心机，第一句就把228归在＂中国＂的头上，直到第二段才作解释，可是一大片只看标题和开头的读者早转台了，兔子果断中枪。）
“China has us by the throat, and now he’s going to surrender,” said Ang Hwih Hwih, a diehard advocate of independence for Taiwan, an island of 23 million people that Beijing views as a wayward Chinese province. Ang cried at the news that Ma – whose Kuomintang party orchestrated the slaughter of 1947 — had won a second four-year term and thus a mandate to press ahead with a policy of rapprochement with Beijing.
死硬台独人士Ang Hwih Hwih称：＂中国扼我咽喉，马英九就要投降了。＂台湾岛拥有二千三百万人口，在北京眼中是一个脱缰的省份。马英九获胜的消息传来，Ang Hwih Hwih失声痛哭。马英九所在的国民党导演了1947年的屠杀，马再任四年势将继续推进与北京交好的政策。
But although Saturday’s election results may have dispirited Ang and fellow believers in independence — and delighted Communist Party leaders in Beijing who want unification — there is little sign that Ma has any intention of moving toward, or has any public backing for, a political settlement with China on Taiwan’s status.
尽管周六的选举结果或令Ang Hwih Hwih及其他台独人士失望、令希望统一的北京欢欣，但是，几乎没有迹象表明马英九意图（或拥有任何大众支持）与中国在政治上确定台湾的地位。
“There is no rush to open up political dialogue,” Ma said shortly after declaring victory over Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party . “It’s not a looming issue.”
宣布获胜后，马英九迅速表示：＂我们不急于开启政治对话，这不是迫切问题。＂
It is not a popular issue, either. Public support for unification, which Beijing views as the aim of political discussions, has withered to insignificance, according to public opinion surveys by the Election Study Center at Taiwan’s National Chengchi University. Independence is not popular either, but it enjoys far more support than a merger with China.
这也不是一个受欢迎的问题。据台湾国立政治大学选举研究中心的民意调查显示，公众对统一的支持率——北京视统一为政治谈判的目标——已降到可忽略不计的地步。独立也不受欢迎，但得到的支持要比统一多得多。
In a 2011 poll, only 1.4 percent of respondents said they wanted swift unification, and 60 percent favored keeping the status quo either indefinitely or until some undecided future date. Only 8.7 percent said they prefer the status quo with eventual unification, compared with 23 percent who want either immediate independence or the status quo with moves toward independence.
在2011年的一份调查中，仅有1.4%的受访者称希望快速统一，60%希望无限期或在未来不定时期内维持现状。仅有8.7%希望保持现状并最终统一，相比之下，有23%希望立即独立或保持现状并最终独立。
Beijing has repeatedly said it will use all means, including force, to block any move by Taiwan, already a separate state in all but name, to declare formal independence.
北京已多次声称将动用包括武力在内的一切手段，以阻止台湾这个除了在名份外早已独立的国家正式宣布独立。
Even Ma’s fervent fans dismiss the idea of joining China anytime soon. “When the Communist Party is gone and they have democracy, we can talk about it,” said Lin Chun-ching, an elderly Kuomintang supporter. He spent Election Day feeding birds outside a giant memorial hall to Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese leader who, defeated by Mao Zedong in China’s civil war, decamped to Taiwan in 1949.
即使是马英九的狂热追随者也不齿与中国迅速统一的主意。支持国民党的老人Lin Chun-ching表示：＂等中共下台、实现民主之后，我们再来谈论这个话题。＂选举当日，他在宏大的蒋介石纪念堂外喂鸟，蒋曾是中国领导人，在内战中被毛泽东所败，于1949年移师台湾。
Chiang, who dreamed of reconquering China and was hailed for decades in Taiwan as a hero, is now widely dismissed as delusional, a dictator or simply irrelevant. The grounds of his memorial hall used to be named in his honor but are now called Freedom Square. Most of the visitors these days are tourists, many from China.
蒋介石曾梦想反攻大陆，并在过去几十年里被台湾视为英雄。如今，他被广泛斥为不切实际、独裁或无足轻重。纪念堂前的广场原以他的名字命名，现已改名自由广场。大多数参访者是观光客，许多还来自中国。
Chiang’s old — and the Communist Party’s current — dream of a single, united China holds little appeal for most people in Taiwan, said Su Chi, the former head of Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council. Both unification and independence are “issues of faith” best left to one side.
台湾行政院大陆委员会前会长Su Chi表示：蒋的旧梦及中共当今的梦想——统一的中国在台湾没有什么号召力，但独统乃＂信仰问题＂，最好留于一方。
（注：不大清楚left to one side具体指什么）
Business across the Taiwan Strait has grown steadily for two decades and is set to surge further following a landmark 2010 trade accord. Taiwan’s sense of separateness, however, also has grown.
海峡两岸的经济往来在近二十年来稳步增长，且必将在2010年地标性贸易协定之后继续攀升。但台湾的独立感也日益增强。
Between 1992 and 2011, according to surveys by the Election Study Center, the proportion of people describing themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese soared from 17 percent to 54 percent. The share identifying themselves as Chinese, meanwhile, plunged from 25 percent to 4 percent.
92年至11年间，据选举研究中心调查，自认为是台湾人而非中国人的人群比例从17%飙升至54%。认为自己是中国人的比例则从25%跌落至百分之四。
“The growth of Taiwanese identity is very, very significant” and “makes it more and more difficult for Ma to maneuver vis-a-vis China,” said Bruce Jacobs, an expert on Taiwan at Australia’s Monash University. Having quietly backed Ma during the election campaign, Beijing is “now expecting a payoff, but Ma is really constrained.”
澳大利亚Monash大学台湾问题专家Bruce Jacobs称：＂台湾身份意识的成长非常非常显著，令马英九更难与中国面对面协商。在暗中力挺马英九之后，北京希望有所回报，但马英九实在是受多方牵制。＂
When Jacobs first came to Taiwan in 1965, the island was under martial law, talk of a separate identity for Taiwan was taboo and the Kuomintang was dominated by refugees from China yearning for their homeland. Now, he said, even the “KMT is overwhelmingly Taiwanese” and any bid by Ma to reach a political deal with Beijing “would be stopped cold in his own party.”
当Bruce Jacobs于1965年首次访台时，该岛仍处于军统之下，关于台湾独立地位的讨论被视为禁忌，国民党掌握在思乡的难民手中。但现如今，国民党大多是台湾人，马英九任何关于与北京达成政治协定的提议在党内都无法通过。
China, though still prone to rhetoric about the “sacred mission” to unify the “motherland” and the occasional menacing propaganda blast from the military, has dropped a push from the 1990s for unification and shifted its focus under party leader Hu Jintao to preventing independence.
尽管中国依旧使用＂统一祖国的神圣使命＂等词汇，并不时有来自军方的强悍宣传攻势，但它已放弃上世纪九十年代对统一的追求，在胡的领导下转而着眼于阻止独立。
China’s official Xinhua news agency Sunday welcomed Ma’s victory and said it “may open new chances.” But it acknowledged that the “situation in the island is still complicated” and that “there are still some long-term disputes and divergences existing between the two sides.” The issue of independence, it added, “will continue to haunt the cross-Strait relations development.”
中国官方的新华社周日欢迎马英九的当选，并称＂将有可能带来新的机遇＂，但同时承认＂岛内局势依然复杂＂、＂双方仍存有一些长期争议与分歧＂。新华社还指出台独问题＂仍将继续影响两岸关系的发展＂。
As the presidential campaign reached its climax last week, Ma, who was born in then-British-ruled Hong Kong to parents who had fled China’s 1949 communist takeover, scoffed at warnings by his opponents that he might rush to Beijing for a political deal.
当选战在上周达到高潮时，出生于当时仍处英国治下的香港、父母均为大陆逃亡人士的马英九驳斥反对者发出的关于他有可能迅速奔向北京达成政治协定的警告。
“If I win this election, I will not be visiting China,” he said. China would like him to visit, but only as the representative of “Taiwan province,” not as the head of the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. “I will not change my identity to visit China,” he said.
他说：＂我若当选，我绝不会访问中国，中国希望我以台湾省代表而不是中华民国总统的身份造访，我不会为了访问中国而改变身份。＂
华盛顿邮报原文链接http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/taiwan-wants-a-separate-peace-with-china/2012/01/15/gIQA3ufF1P_story.html?hpid=z4Taiwan unlikely to move to reunify with China, despite Ma Ying-jeou’s reelection
尽管马英九获胜，台湾不大可能与中国统一
TAIPEI, Taiwan — At the 228 Memorial Museum, a shrine to the victims of a 1947 massacre by Chinese troops, staff members were in mourning Sunday over the reelection of Ma Ying-jeou, a president they think wants to turn Taiwan over to China.
台北，台湾——为纪念1947年被中国军队屠杀的受害者而设立的228纪念馆内，工作人员正为马英九连任成功哀伤不已，他们认为马总统想把台湾拱手让给中国。
（这篇文章写得很有心机，第一句就把228归在＂中国＂的头上，直到第二段才作解释，可是一大片只看标题和开头的读者早转台了，兔子果断中枪。）
“China has us by the throat, and now he’s going to surrender,” said Ang Hwih Hwih, a diehard advocate of independence for Taiwan, an island of 23 million people that Beijing views as a wayward Chinese province. Ang cried at the news that Ma – whose Kuomintang party orchestrated the slaughter of 1947 — had won a second four-year term and thus a mandate to press ahead with a policy of rapprochement with Beijing.
死硬台独人士Ang Hwih Hwih称：＂中国扼我咽喉，马英九就要投降了。＂台湾岛拥有二千三百万人口，在北京眼中是一个脱缰的省份。马英九获胜的消息传来，Ang Hwih Hwih失声痛哭。马英九所在的国民党导演了1947年的屠杀，马再任四年势将继续推进与北京交好的政策。
But although Saturday’s election results may have dispirited Ang and fellow believers in independence — and delighted Communist Party leaders in Beijing who want unification — there is little sign that Ma has any intention of moving toward, or has any public backing for, a political settlement with China on Taiwan’s status.
尽管周六的选举结果或令Ang Hwih Hwih及其他台独人士失望、令希望统一的北京欢欣，但是，几乎没有迹象表明马英九意图（或拥有任何大众支持）与中国在政治上确定台湾的地位。
“There is no rush to open up political dialogue,” Ma said shortly after declaring victory over Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party . “It’s not a looming issue.”
宣布获胜后，马英九迅速表示：＂我们不急于开启政治对话，这不是迫切问题。＂
It is not a popular issue, either. Public support for unification, which Beijing views as the aim of political discussions, has withered to insignificance, according to public opinion surveys by the Election Study Center at Taiwan’s National Chengchi University. Independence is not popular either, but it enjoys far more support than a merger with China.
这也不是一个受欢迎的问题。据台湾国立政治大学选举研究中心的民意调查显示，公众对统一的支持率——北京视统一为政治谈判的目标——已降到可忽略不计的地步。独立也不受欢迎，但得到的支持要比统一多得多。
In a 2011 poll, only 1.4 percent of respondents said they wanted swift unification, and 60 percent favored keeping the status quo either indefinitely or until some undecided future date. Only 8.7 percent said they prefer the status quo with eventual unification, compared with 23 percent who want either immediate independence or the status quo with moves toward independence.
在2011年的一份调查中，仅有1.4%的受访者称希望快速统一，60%希望无限期或在未来不定时期内维持现状。仅有8.7%希望保持现状并最终统一，相比之下，有23%希望立即独立或保持现状并最终独立。
Beijing has repeatedly said it will use all means, including force, to block any move by Taiwan, already a separate state in all but name, to declare formal independence.
北京已多次声称将动用包括武力在内的一切手段，以阻止台湾这个除了在名份外早已独立的国家正式宣布独立。
Even Ma’s fervent fans dismiss the idea of joining China anytime soon. “When the Communist Party is gone and they have democracy, we can talk about it,” said Lin Chun-ching, an elderly Kuomintang supporter. He spent Election Day feeding birds outside a giant memorial hall to Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese leader who, defeated by Mao Zedong in China’s civil war, decamped to Taiwan in 1949.
即使是马英九的狂热追随者也不齿与中国迅速统一的主意。支持国民党的老人Lin Chun-ching表示：＂等中共下台、实现民主之后，我们再来谈论这个话题。＂选举当日，他在宏大的蒋介石纪念堂外喂鸟，蒋曾是中国领导人，在内战中被毛泽东所败，于1949年移师台湾。
Chiang, who dreamed of reconquering China and was hailed for decades in Taiwan as a hero, is now widely dismissed as delusional, a dictator or simply irrelevant. The grounds of his memorial hall used to be named in his honor but are now called Freedom Square. Most of the visitors these days are tourists, many from China.
蒋介石曾梦想反攻大陆，并在过去几十年里被台湾视为英雄。如今，他被广泛斥为不切实际、独裁或无足轻重。纪念堂前的广场原以他的名字命名，现已改名自由广场。大多数参访者是观光客，许多还来自中国。
Chiang’s old — and the Communist Party’s current — dream of a single, united China holds little appeal for most people in Taiwan, said Su Chi, the former head of Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council. Both unification and independence are “issues of faith” best left to one side.
台湾行政院大陆委员会前会长Su Chi表示：蒋的旧梦及中共当今的梦想——统一的中国在台湾没有什么号召力，但独统乃＂信仰问题＂，最好留于一方。
（注：不大清楚left to one side具体指什么）
Business across the Taiwan Strait has grown steadily for two decades and is set to surge further following a landmark 2010 trade accord. Taiwan’s sense of separateness, however, also has grown.
海峡两岸的经济往来在近二十年来稳步增长，且必将在2010年地标性贸易协定之后继续攀升。但台湾的独立感也日益增强。
Between 1992 and 2011, according to surveys by the Election Study Center, the proportion of people describing themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese soared from 17 percent to 54 percent. The share identifying themselves as Chinese, meanwhile, plunged from 25 percent to 4 percent.
92年至11年间，据选举研究中心调查，自认为是台湾人而非中国人的人群比例从17%飙升至54%。认为自己是中国人的比例则从25%跌落至百分之四。
“The growth of Taiwanese identity is very, very significant” and “makes it more and more difficult for Ma to maneuver vis-a-vis China,” said Bruce Jacobs, an expert on Taiwan at Australia’s Monash University. Having quietly backed Ma during the election campaign, Beijing is “now expecting a payoff, but Ma is really constrained.”
澳大利亚Monash大学台湾问题专家Bruce Jacobs称：＂台湾身份意识的成长非常非常显著，令马英九更难与中国面对面协商。在暗中力挺马英九之后，北京希望有所回报，但马英九实在是受多方牵制。＂
When Jacobs first came to Taiwan in 1965, the island was under martial law, talk of a separate identity for Taiwan was taboo and the Kuomintang was dominated by refugees from China yearning for their homeland. Now, he said, even the “KMT is overwhelmingly Taiwanese” and any bid by Ma to reach a political deal with Beijing “would be stopped cold in his own party.”
当Bruce Jacobs于1965年首次访台时，该岛仍处于军统之下，关于台湾独立地位的讨论被视为禁忌，国民党掌握在思乡的难民手中。但现如今，国民党大多是台湾人，马英九任何关于与北京达成政治协定的提议在党内都无法通过。
China, though still prone to rhetoric about the “sacred mission” to unify the “motherland” and the occasional menacing propaganda blast from the military, has dropped a push from the 1990s for unification and shifted its focus under party leader Hu Jintao to preventing independence.
尽管中国依旧使用＂统一祖国的神圣使命＂等词汇，并不时有来自军方的强悍宣传攻势，但它已放弃上世纪九十年代对统一的追求，在胡的领导下转而着眼于阻止独立。
China’s official Xinhua news agency Sunday welcomed Ma’s victory and said it “may open new chances.” But it acknowledged that the “situation in the island is still complicated” and that “there are still some long-term disputes and divergences existing between the two sides.” The issue of independence, it added, “will continue to haunt the cross-Strait relations development.”
中国官方的新华社周日欢迎马英九的当选，并称＂将有可能带来新的机遇＂，但同时承认＂岛内局势依然复杂＂、＂双方仍存有一些长期争议与分歧＂。新华社还指出台独问题＂仍将继续影响两岸关系的发展＂。
As the presidential campaign reached its climax last week, Ma, who was born in then-British-ruled Hong Kong to parents who had fled China’s 1949 communist takeover, scoffed at warnings by his opponents that he might rush to Beijing for a political deal.
当选战在上周达到高潮时，出生于当时仍处英国治下的香港、父母均为大陆逃亡人士的马英九驳斥反对者发出的关于他有可能迅速奔向北京达成政治协定的警告。
“If I win this election, I will not be visiting China,” he said. China would like him to visit, but only as the representative of “Taiwan province,” not as the head of the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. “I will not change my identity to visit China,” he said.
他说：＂我若当选，我绝不会访问中国，中国希望我以台湾省代表而不是中华民国总统的身份造访，我不会为了访问中国而改变身份。＂
华盛顿邮报原文链接http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/taiwan-wants-a-separate-peace-with-china/2012/01/15/gIQA3ufF1P_story.html?hpid=z4
谁指望这娘娘了？
蓦然回首 国军还在海对岸啊。。。。
你不过来 我便过去吧
你不过来 我便过去吧
指望国民党统一，不如慢慢调教绿营，看没看过日本重口味爱情动作片？得调教，一切都有可能，让它明白谁能上台并能过上好日子，美国说了不算，日本说了不算，国民党?都是"宁可错杀一千，不可放过一个"的余孽，为了杀一个tg，就要错杀一千个支持联俄联共的国民党自己人，敢上岸？放政协~
台湾胜利地是隐独派！大陆要坚持梧桐不动摇！
没指望马娘娘
马娘娘或者蔡大妈只能影响过程，影响不了结果
爱谁谁吧重要的是不要因为一些小事的发酵而影响中国黄金发展时间，一切都要以发展综合国力为中心
台湾只有台独和独台之分，当然没有统一的可能，除非解放军的拳头利害。
大势滔滔，蚂蚁憾树
本来也没指望
stands0 发表于 2012-1-16 09:21 
指望国民党统一，不如慢慢调教绿营，看没看过日本重口味爱情动作片？得调教，一切都有可能，让它明白谁能上 ...
闪光的二楼
指望国民党统一，不如慢慢调教绿营，看没看过日本重口味爱情动作片？得调教，一切都有可能，让它明白谁能上 ...
闪光的二楼
马娘娘 一直都是隐独的
本来就没指望KMT~~
要不是小扁自个不争气，偶们要立他继续当台湾统领
生我者猴死我雕
老马虽然不能实现统一，可是还能给tg一任的和平时期，现在tg需要的只是时间，台湾只不过是大陆嘴边的肥肉而已，谁又拿不走，怕啥
谁指望娘娘了
md不用处心积虑挑拨了。长此以往，走向梧桐的可能性只会越来越大。ww天真地以为民意决定一切，但和左岸比起来，岛民的民意算个p。
雾社事件台湾有没有纪念馆？
那民调。。。果然是拍拍脑袋就出来的。。不愿谈恋爱就玩强暴吧
我到更希望蔡上台 直接梧桐 时不待我 谁知道下一刻又有会来指手画脚 唱大戏yuval 发表于 2012-1-16 10:56
不愿谈恋爱就玩强暴吧
2l 。。。。。
不愿谈恋爱就玩强暴吧
2l 。。。。。
应该说统一别指望两岸政府，包括TG，一直在玩太极推手，愚弄百姓。统一还是等到大陆出现一个真正的领导人，而不是太监。
美媒这几天煽风点火搞事很努力嘛
这个不只5美分吧
几只台巴子，不能影响统一的结果。
问题是马娘娘心底愿意统一否?
蓝绿的区别也就是缓独和急独的区别， 我们没指望马娘娘， 我们指望的是解放军
指望马英九不如指望马小九{:soso_e120:}
废话，只有小蔡蔡当选才有戏！
自古二楼出人才
如果台湾公投独立
那么我们就公投梧桐......
我们的民意绝对比台湾的吓人
那么我们就公投梧桐......
我们的民意绝对比台湾的吓人
和平统一是不可能的，关于台湾，还是好好准备武统吧
92公式是啥？一中各表。
若是把各表推进到两制，就可以谈统一。
至于谁在不在台上，who care？
若是把各表推进到两制，就可以谈统一。
至于谁在不在台上，who care？
就算你全部台湾人都支持独立又能如何，我们这里有14亿人人陪你完这场注定了结果的游戏，大陆可能在其他方面会不团结，但在这个问题上，意见都是一致的。
正中兔子下怀。只要别逼我打仗，得过且过大家好
只有台独和独台之分，当然没有统一的可能