超级军网推荐好文——美报：北京之星在亚洲冉冉上升 美丢失昔日 ...
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/28 05:06:38
<P>http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2004-09/09/content_1961380.htm</P><P>转自新华网，文章较长，但推荐大家一读。</P><P>美报：北京之星在亚洲冉冉上升 美丢失昔日地位</P><P>美国《纽约时报》网站8月28日发表题为《北京之星在亚洲冉冉上升》的文章说，中国在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响，这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的；权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国盟友们的当务之急；一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。这篇文章摘要如下：</P><P>北京通过其新颖的外交手段及其经济长期发展所产生的看起来无法抵制的诱惑力，已经娴熟地改善了与美国在该地区最坚强的盟友澳大利亚的关系。 </P><P> 中国在亚洲影响广泛 美国外交贸易双失败
<P> 这种转折只不过是表明北京在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响的一个迹象而已。从纽曼的铁矿到缅甸的森林，中国快速发展的经济正在吸纳各种资源，并且促使该地区不同种类的经济体紧随其后。这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的。
<P> 中国在越来越大的程度上正在利用其经济影响力来支持其政治倾向性。北京正在推动建立它所能控制的地区政治和经济组织，如拟议建立的东亚共同体将把美国拒之门外，并形成一个全球集团与欧盟相抗衡。它正在对外提供援助，并以一种前所未有的方式迫使其它国家就范，服从于其外交政策的重中之重：中国对台湾拥有主权。
<P> 分析人士、企业经理和外交官们说，正值华盛顿忙于伊拉克和反恐战争，而看起来无暇顾及该地区的事务之际，中国这种高调举动显得格外引人注目。该地区反过来发现，“9·11”事件之后，美国也变得更加令人讨厌，更加难于接近了。该地区的一些官员说，美国的军事优势地位仍然是无可置疑的。但是，美国在贸易方面似乎是失败的一方。中国现在是韩国最大的贸易伙伴，日本从中国的进口贸易两年前超过了它从美国的进口贸易。目前的趋势表明，中国同东南亚国家的贸易很可能在几年之内超过美国。
<P> 中国总理温家宝去年说，他相信中国与东南亚国家的贸易到2005年将达到1000亿美元，而美国与东南亚国家的贸易现在为1200亿美元。温总理的说法并不是空口说大话。几乎没有一个国家能避开中国谋求贸易、能源和其它自然资源的巨大引力。
<P> 在泰国，有中国血统的他信总理正在考虑通过泰国南部的克拉地峡铺设一条输油管道，这条输油管道会使中国更方便地进口中东石油。马来西亚对中国的汽油、棕榈油和电子元件的出口大幅增加了。在马来西亚，巴达维总理选择中国作为他上任后出访的第一站，有800多名企业领导人随同他前往中国访问。
<P> 新一代政治和商业领导人把宝押在中国崛起上
<P> 澳大利亚的一些外交官和分析家说，中国的企业主管和外交官意识到中国作为世界经济发展最快的国家之一的优势，把他们的影响范围扩大到中国越来越被认为是“可以上门求助的邻居”的地方。澳大利亚的许多人已经认为，未来是属于中国的。新一代政治和商业领导人现在正把赌注押在几乎被普遍认为是中国的崛起上，并采取保值措施以免美国影响可能减弱而遭受损失。
<P> 就在美国的立场开始削弱时，它的政策———在伊拉克、朝鲜、武器扩散问题上———已经倾向于把中国和它的邻国推到了一起。马来西亚战略和国际问题研究所所长穆罕默德·努尔丁·索皮耶在谈到中国人时说：“他们需要地区友谊，我们也需要地区友谊。他们需要时间来发展他们的经济，我们也需要时间来发展我们的经济。他们需要保护自己，使之不受美国的威胁，我们也是这样。”中国在亚太地区的影响力迅速广泛增强，这可以从在两种极端的国家的影响力来加以衡量。一种是像澳大利亚这样富裕和遥远的国家，另一种是像缅甸这样贫穷但战略上非常重要的国家。
<P> 缅甸的军人政府不是华盛顿所喜欢的政府。实际上，中国已经以它自己的贸易协议搅乱了华盛顿的政策。中国与缅甸的贸易协议的价值已经远远超过了美国对缅甸的惩罚。美国国务院估计，缅甸在美国禁止它向美国出口的头一年中大约损失了2亿美元。但与此同时，中国与缅甸的贸易额2003年大约达到了10亿美元。
<P> 在这里，经济优势转变为政治偏好。对中国来说，缅甸作为能源等天然资源的运输通道，地位十分重要，所以不能将它抛弃。
<P> 在约翰·霍华德总理亲自游说北京的官员后，中国同意从澳大利亚的伍德赛德能源公司购买价值250亿美元的液化天然气，供货时间为25年。这是澳大利亚历史上数额最大的一笔合同。尽管这笔合同数额巨大，但双方还正就签订一笔价值更高的合同（300亿美元）进行磋商。
<P> 不论是天然气还是铁矿石，与中国签订的合同数目之大还是战胜了澳大利亚对外国人拥有自己的自然资源的担忧。促使双方合作的另外一个具有说服力的原因是，中国和澳大利亚的外交官以及企业老总都迫切希望为遥远的将来锁定一种互惠的关系。
<P> 美国的盟友急切权衡对美和对华关系
<P> 权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国的盟友们面临的当务之急。他们发现这需要艰难的平衡技巧。现在最紧张不安的是新加坡。中国曾对新加坡新总理李显龙在8月就职前访问台湾公开提出斥责。这位新总理在8月份发表的首次重要演说中急急忙忙地重申了新加坡对于“一个中国”政策的支持。
<P> 澳大利亚总理霍华德今年8月炫耀说，他的一个最大成就是在加强与华盛顿关系的同时，与中国建立了“十分密切的关系”。他说，他感到骄傲的是，去年秋季，他对美国总统布什和中国主席胡锦涛访澳做到一碗水端平，先后安排了他们在澳大利亚议会发表演讲。胡锦涛受到了澳大利亚议员的热情欢迎。
<P> 一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。美国负责亚太事务的助理国务卿凯利今年6月在国会举行的一次听证会上以非同寻常的口气谈到了北京咄咄逼人的外交行动，说这些行动意在加强中国的经济利益。（完）</P><P>我看过原文，摘要内容基本上是忠于原文的，当然删除了很多对中国诬蔑性的内容，和美国人的强盗逻辑，有兴趣看原文的可以到纽约时报网站上看，更加可以看到美国人对中国的忌惮和霸权主义真面目。</P><P>从此文章可以看到我国外交工作的进展。我深信随着中国实力的增强，外交能力只会越来越强，“外交卖国说”是对国际政治的不了解和对中国外交人员的诬蔑！</P>
<P> 这种转折只不过是表明北京在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响的一个迹象而已。从纽曼的铁矿到缅甸的森林，中国快速发展的经济正在吸纳各种资源，并且促使该地区不同种类的经济体紧随其后。这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的。
<P> 中国在越来越大的程度上正在利用其经济影响力来支持其政治倾向性。北京正在推动建立它所能控制的地区政治和经济组织，如拟议建立的东亚共同体将把美国拒之门外，并形成一个全球集团与欧盟相抗衡。它正在对外提供援助，并以一种前所未有的方式迫使其它国家就范，服从于其外交政策的重中之重：中国对台湾拥有主权。
<P> 分析人士、企业经理和外交官们说，正值华盛顿忙于伊拉克和反恐战争，而看起来无暇顾及该地区的事务之际，中国这种高调举动显得格外引人注目。该地区反过来发现，“9·11”事件之后，美国也变得更加令人讨厌，更加难于接近了。该地区的一些官员说，美国的军事优势地位仍然是无可置疑的。但是，美国在贸易方面似乎是失败的一方。中国现在是韩国最大的贸易伙伴，日本从中国的进口贸易两年前超过了它从美国的进口贸易。目前的趋势表明，中国同东南亚国家的贸易很可能在几年之内超过美国。
<P> 中国总理温家宝去年说，他相信中国与东南亚国家的贸易到2005年将达到1000亿美元，而美国与东南亚国家的贸易现在为1200亿美元。温总理的说法并不是空口说大话。几乎没有一个国家能避开中国谋求贸易、能源和其它自然资源的巨大引力。
<P> 在泰国，有中国血统的他信总理正在考虑通过泰国南部的克拉地峡铺设一条输油管道，这条输油管道会使中国更方便地进口中东石油。马来西亚对中国的汽油、棕榈油和电子元件的出口大幅增加了。在马来西亚，巴达维总理选择中国作为他上任后出访的第一站，有800多名企业领导人随同他前往中国访问。
<P> 新一代政治和商业领导人把宝押在中国崛起上
<P> 澳大利亚的一些外交官和分析家说，中国的企业主管和外交官意识到中国作为世界经济发展最快的国家之一的优势，把他们的影响范围扩大到中国越来越被认为是“可以上门求助的邻居”的地方。澳大利亚的许多人已经认为，未来是属于中国的。新一代政治和商业领导人现在正把赌注押在几乎被普遍认为是中国的崛起上，并采取保值措施以免美国影响可能减弱而遭受损失。
<P> 就在美国的立场开始削弱时，它的政策———在伊拉克、朝鲜、武器扩散问题上———已经倾向于把中国和它的邻国推到了一起。马来西亚战略和国际问题研究所所长穆罕默德·努尔丁·索皮耶在谈到中国人时说：“他们需要地区友谊，我们也需要地区友谊。他们需要时间来发展他们的经济，我们也需要时间来发展我们的经济。他们需要保护自己，使之不受美国的威胁，我们也是这样。”中国在亚太地区的影响力迅速广泛增强，这可以从在两种极端的国家的影响力来加以衡量。一种是像澳大利亚这样富裕和遥远的国家，另一种是像缅甸这样贫穷但战略上非常重要的国家。
<P> 缅甸的军人政府不是华盛顿所喜欢的政府。实际上，中国已经以它自己的贸易协议搅乱了华盛顿的政策。中国与缅甸的贸易协议的价值已经远远超过了美国对缅甸的惩罚。美国国务院估计，缅甸在美国禁止它向美国出口的头一年中大约损失了2亿美元。但与此同时，中国与缅甸的贸易额2003年大约达到了10亿美元。
<P> 在这里，经济优势转变为政治偏好。对中国来说，缅甸作为能源等天然资源的运输通道，地位十分重要，所以不能将它抛弃。
<P> 在约翰·霍华德总理亲自游说北京的官员后，中国同意从澳大利亚的伍德赛德能源公司购买价值250亿美元的液化天然气，供货时间为25年。这是澳大利亚历史上数额最大的一笔合同。尽管这笔合同数额巨大，但双方还正就签订一笔价值更高的合同（300亿美元）进行磋商。
<P> 不论是天然气还是铁矿石，与中国签订的合同数目之大还是战胜了澳大利亚对外国人拥有自己的自然资源的担忧。促使双方合作的另外一个具有说服力的原因是，中国和澳大利亚的外交官以及企业老总都迫切希望为遥远的将来锁定一种互惠的关系。
<P> 美国的盟友急切权衡对美和对华关系
<P> 权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国的盟友们面临的当务之急。他们发现这需要艰难的平衡技巧。现在最紧张不安的是新加坡。中国曾对新加坡新总理李显龙在8月就职前访问台湾公开提出斥责。这位新总理在8月份发表的首次重要演说中急急忙忙地重申了新加坡对于“一个中国”政策的支持。
<P> 澳大利亚总理霍华德今年8月炫耀说，他的一个最大成就是在加强与华盛顿关系的同时，与中国建立了“十分密切的关系”。他说，他感到骄傲的是，去年秋季，他对美国总统布什和中国主席胡锦涛访澳做到一碗水端平，先后安排了他们在澳大利亚议会发表演讲。胡锦涛受到了澳大利亚议员的热情欢迎。
<P> 一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。美国负责亚太事务的助理国务卿凯利今年6月在国会举行的一次听证会上以非同寻常的口气谈到了北京咄咄逼人的外交行动，说这些行动意在加强中国的经济利益。（完）</P><P>我看过原文，摘要内容基本上是忠于原文的，当然删除了很多对中国诬蔑性的内容，和美国人的强盗逻辑，有兴趣看原文的可以到纽约时报网站上看，更加可以看到美国人对中国的忌惮和霸权主义真面目。</P><P>从此文章可以看到我国外交工作的进展。我深信随着中国实力的增强，外交能力只会越来越强，“外交卖国说”是对国际政治的不了解和对中国外交人员的诬蔑！</P>
[此贴子已经被作者于2004-9-9 13:34:27编辑过]
<P> 这种转折只不过是表明北京在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响的一个迹象而已。从纽曼的铁矿到缅甸的森林，中国快速发展的经济正在吸纳各种资源，并且促使该地区不同种类的经济体紧随其后。这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的。
<P> 中国在越来越大的程度上正在利用其经济影响力来支持其政治倾向性。北京正在推动建立它所能控制的地区政治和经济组织，如拟议建立的东亚共同体将把美国拒之门外，并形成一个全球集团与欧盟相抗衡。它正在对外提供援助，并以一种前所未有的方式迫使其它国家就范，服从于其外交政策的重中之重：中国对台湾拥有主权。
<P> 分析人士、企业经理和外交官们说，正值华盛顿忙于伊拉克和反恐战争，而看起来无暇顾及该地区的事务之际，中国这种高调举动显得格外引人注目。该地区反过来发现，“9·11”事件之后，美国也变得更加令人讨厌，更加难于接近了。该地区的一些官员说，美国的军事优势地位仍然是无可置疑的。但是，美国在贸易方面似乎是失败的一方。中国现在是韩国最大的贸易伙伴，日本从中国的进口贸易两年前超过了它从美国的进口贸易。目前的趋势表明，中国同东南亚国家的贸易很可能在几年之内超过美国。
<P> 中国总理温家宝去年说，他相信中国与东南亚国家的贸易到2005年将达到1000亿美元，而美国与东南亚国家的贸易现在为1200亿美元。温总理的说法并不是空口说大话。几乎没有一个国家能避开中国谋求贸易、能源和其它自然资源的巨大引力。
<P> 在泰国，有中国血统的他信总理正在考虑通过泰国南部的克拉地峡铺设一条输油管道，这条输油管道会使中国更方便地进口中东石油。马来西亚对中国的汽油、棕榈油和电子元件的出口大幅增加了。在马来西亚，巴达维总理选择中国作为他上任后出访的第一站，有800多名企业领导人随同他前往中国访问。
<P> 新一代政治和商业领导人把宝押在中国崛起上
<P> 澳大利亚的一些外交官和分析家说，中国的企业主管和外交官意识到中国作为世界经济发展最快的国家之一的优势，把他们的影响范围扩大到中国越来越被认为是“可以上门求助的邻居”的地方。澳大利亚的许多人已经认为，未来是属于中国的。新一代政治和商业领导人现在正把赌注押在几乎被普遍认为是中国的崛起上，并采取保值措施以免美国影响可能减弱而遭受损失。
<P> 就在美国的立场开始削弱时，它的政策———在伊拉克、朝鲜、武器扩散问题上———已经倾向于把中国和它的邻国推到了一起。马来西亚战略和国际问题研究所所长穆罕默德·努尔丁·索皮耶在谈到中国人时说：“他们需要地区友谊，我们也需要地区友谊。他们需要时间来发展他们的经济，我们也需要时间来发展我们的经济。他们需要保护自己，使之不受美国的威胁，我们也是这样。”中国在亚太地区的影响力迅速广泛增强，这可以从在两种极端的国家的影响力来加以衡量。一种是像澳大利亚这样富裕和遥远的国家，另一种是像缅甸这样贫穷但战略上非常重要的国家。
<P> 缅甸的军人政府不是华盛顿所喜欢的政府。实际上，中国已经以它自己的贸易协议搅乱了华盛顿的政策。中国与缅甸的贸易协议的价值已经远远超过了美国对缅甸的惩罚。美国国务院估计，缅甸在美国禁止它向美国出口的头一年中大约损失了2亿美元。但与此同时，中国与缅甸的贸易额2003年大约达到了10亿美元。
<P> 在这里，经济优势转变为政治偏好。对中国来说，缅甸作为能源等天然资源的运输通道，地位十分重要，所以不能将它抛弃。
<P> 在约翰·霍华德总理亲自游说北京的官员后，中国同意从澳大利亚的伍德赛德能源公司购买价值250亿美元的液化天然气，供货时间为25年。这是澳大利亚历史上数额最大的一笔合同。尽管这笔合同数额巨大，但双方还正就签订一笔价值更高的合同（300亿美元）进行磋商。
<P> 不论是天然气还是铁矿石，与中国签订的合同数目之大还是战胜了澳大利亚对外国人拥有自己的自然资源的担忧。促使双方合作的另外一个具有说服力的原因是，中国和澳大利亚的外交官以及企业老总都迫切希望为遥远的将来锁定一种互惠的关系。
<P> 美国的盟友急切权衡对美和对华关系
<P> 权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国的盟友们面临的当务之急。他们发现这需要艰难的平衡技巧。现在最紧张不安的是新加坡。中国曾对新加坡新总理李显龙在8月就职前访问台湾公开提出斥责。这位新总理在8月份发表的首次重要演说中急急忙忙地重申了新加坡对于“一个中国”政策的支持。
<P> 澳大利亚总理霍华德今年8月炫耀说，他的一个最大成就是在加强与华盛顿关系的同时，与中国建立了“十分密切的关系”。他说，他感到骄傲的是，去年秋季，他对美国总统布什和中国主席胡锦涛访澳做到一碗水端平，先后安排了他们在澳大利亚议会发表演讲。胡锦涛受到了澳大利亚议员的热情欢迎。
<P> 一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。美国负责亚太事务的助理国务卿凯利今年6月在国会举行的一次听证会上以非同寻常的口气谈到了北京咄咄逼人的外交行动，说这些行动意在加强中国的经济利益。（完）</P><P>我看过原文，摘要内容基本上是忠于原文的，当然删除了很多对中国诬蔑性的内容，和美国人的强盗逻辑，有兴趣看原文的可以到纽约时报网站上看，更加可以看到美国人对中国的忌惮和霸权主义真面目。</P><P>从此文章可以看到我国外交工作的进展。我深信随着中国实力的增强，外交能力只会越来越强，“外交卖国说”是对国际政治的不了解和对中国外交人员的诬蔑！</P>
[此贴子已经被作者于2004-9-9 13:34:27编辑过]
<P>http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2004-09/09/content_1961380.htm</P><P>转自新华网，文章较长，但推荐大家一读。</P><P>美报：北京之星在亚洲冉冉上升 美丢失昔日地位</P><P>美国《纽约时报》网站8月28日发表题为《北京之星在亚洲冉冉上升》的文章说，中国在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响，这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的；权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国盟友们的当务之急；一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。这篇文章摘要如下：</P><P>北京通过其新颖的外交手段及其经济长期发展所产生的看起来无法抵制的诱惑力，已经娴熟地改善了与美国在该地区最坚强的盟友澳大利亚的关系。 </P><P> 中国在亚洲影响广泛 美国外交贸易双失败 <P> 这种转折只不过是表明北京在整个亚太地区对美国的朋友或敌人产生新的广泛影响的一个迹象而已。从纽曼的铁矿到缅甸的森林，中国快速发展的经济正在吸纳各种资源，并且促使该地区不同种类的经济体紧随其后。这种影响是二战后日本经济崛起以来所罕见的。
<P> 中国在越来越大的程度上正在利用其经济影响力来支持其政治倾向性。北京正在推动建立它所能控制的地区政治和经济组织，如拟议建立的东亚共同体将把美国拒之门外，并形成一个全球集团与欧盟相抗衡。它正在对外提供援助，并以一种前所未有的方式迫使其它国家就范，服从于其外交政策的重中之重：中国对台湾拥有主权。
<P> 分析人士、企业经理和外交官们说，正值华盛顿忙于伊拉克和反恐战争，而看起来无暇顾及该地区的事务之际，中国这种高调举动显得格外引人注目。该地区反过来发现，“9·11”事件之后，美国也变得更加令人讨厌，更加难于接近了。该地区的一些官员说，美国的军事优势地位仍然是无可置疑的。但是，美国在贸易方面似乎是失败的一方。中国现在是韩国最大的贸易伙伴，日本从中国的进口贸易两年前超过了它从美国的进口贸易。目前的趋势表明，中国同东南亚国家的贸易很可能在几年之内超过美国。
<P> 中国总理温家宝去年说，他相信中国与东南亚国家的贸易到2005年将达到1000亿美元，而美国与东南亚国家的贸易现在为1200亿美元。温总理的说法并不是空口说大话。几乎没有一个国家能避开中国谋求贸易、能源和其它自然资源的巨大引力。
<P> 在泰国，有中国血统的他信总理正在考虑通过泰国南部的克拉地峡铺设一条输油管道，这条输油管道会使中国更方便地进口中东石油。马来西亚对中国的汽油、棕榈油和电子元件的出口大幅增加了。在马来西亚，巴达维总理选择中国作为他上任后出访的第一站，有800多名企业领导人随同他前往中国访问。
<P> 新一代政治和商业领导人把宝押在中国崛起上
<P> 澳大利亚的一些外交官和分析家说，中国的企业主管和外交官意识到中国作为世界经济发展最快的国家之一的优势，把他们的影响范围扩大到中国越来越被认为是“可以上门求助的邻居”的地方。澳大利亚的许多人已经认为，未来是属于中国的。新一代政治和商业领导人现在正把赌注押在几乎被普遍认为是中国的崛起上，并采取保值措施以免美国影响可能减弱而遭受损失。
<P> 就在美国的立场开始削弱时，它的政策———在伊拉克、朝鲜、武器扩散问题上———已经倾向于把中国和它的邻国推到了一起。马来西亚战略和国际问题研究所所长穆罕默德·努尔丁·索皮耶在谈到中国人时说：“他们需要地区友谊，我们也需要地区友谊。他们需要时间来发展他们的经济，我们也需要时间来发展我们的经济。他们需要保护自己，使之不受美国的威胁，我们也是这样。”中国在亚太地区的影响力迅速广泛增强，这可以从在两种极端的国家的影响力来加以衡量。一种是像澳大利亚这样富裕和遥远的国家，另一种是像缅甸这样贫穷但战略上非常重要的国家。
<P> 缅甸的军人政府不是华盛顿所喜欢的政府。实际上，中国已经以它自己的贸易协议搅乱了华盛顿的政策。中国与缅甸的贸易协议的价值已经远远超过了美国对缅甸的惩罚。美国国务院估计，缅甸在美国禁止它向美国出口的头一年中大约损失了2亿美元。但与此同时，中国与缅甸的贸易额2003年大约达到了10亿美元。
<P> 在这里，经济优势转变为政治偏好。对中国来说，缅甸作为能源等天然资源的运输通道，地位十分重要，所以不能将它抛弃。
<P> 在约翰·霍华德总理亲自游说北京的官员后，中国同意从澳大利亚的伍德赛德能源公司购买价值250亿美元的液化天然气，供货时间为25年。这是澳大利亚历史上数额最大的一笔合同。尽管这笔合同数额巨大，但双方还正就签订一笔价值更高的合同（300亿美元）进行磋商。
<P> 不论是天然气还是铁矿石，与中国签订的合同数目之大还是战胜了澳大利亚对外国人拥有自己的自然资源的担忧。促使双方合作的另外一个具有说服力的原因是，中国和澳大利亚的外交官以及企业老总都迫切希望为遥远的将来锁定一种互惠的关系。
<P> 美国的盟友急切权衡对美和对华关系
<P> 权衡与美国的战略关系和中国提供的经济机会孰轻孰重，正成为美国的盟友们面临的当务之急。他们发现这需要艰难的平衡技巧。现在最紧张不安的是新加坡。中国曾对新加坡新总理李显龙在8月就职前访问台湾公开提出斥责。这位新总理在8月份发表的首次重要演说中急急忙忙地重申了新加坡对于“一个中国”政策的支持。
<P> 澳大利亚总理霍华德今年8月炫耀说，他的一个最大成就是在加强与华盛顿关系的同时，与中国建立了“十分密切的关系”。他说，他感到骄傲的是，去年秋季，他对美国总统布什和中国主席胡锦涛访澳做到一碗水端平，先后安排了他们在澳大利亚议会发表演讲。胡锦涛受到了澳大利亚议员的热情欢迎。
<P> 一些美国高级官员警告说，美国正在失去其在亚洲不可动摇的地位。美国负责亚太事务的助理国务卿凯利今年6月在国会举行的一次听证会上以非同寻常的口气谈到了北京咄咄逼人的外交行动，说这些行动意在加强中国的经济利益。（完）</P><P>我看过原文，摘要内容基本上是忠于原文的，当然删除了很多对中国诬蔑性的内容，和美国人的强盗逻辑，有兴趣看原文的可以到纽约时报网站上看，更加可以看到美国人对中国的忌惮和霸权主义真面目。</P><P>从此文章可以看到我国外交工作的进展。我深信随着中国实力的增强，外交能力只会越来越强，“外交卖国说”是对国际政治的不了解和对中国外交人员的诬蔑！</P>
[此贴子已经被作者于2004-9-9 13:34:27编辑过]
有道理
<P>最近老是看到什么日本问题上对中国外交人员的诬蔑。</P><P>弱国无外交。我们屈辱的弃权票是实力不济的原因，不要把腐败和卖国问题无限扩大化！</P><P>我相信外交人员在努力发展符合中国当前实力的外交工作。</P>
好贴
<P>有兴趣看原文的，把它转贴一下！</P><P>http://www.nytimes.com/2004/08/28/international/asia/28asia.html
Across Asia, Beijing's Star Is in Ascendance
By JANE PERLEZ</P><P>Published: August 28, 2004</P><P>
EWMAN, Australia - Chris Dunbar watched as a front-end loader carved into a 60-foot wall of iron ore glinting in the red dirt of a vast open mine in the big sky country of northwestern Australia. "This is as good as it gets," said a satisfied Mr. Dunbar, 47, a manager with more than 20 years of experience.
He was boasting about the richness of the blue-black ore at the Mount Whaleback mine, but he might as well have been bragging about the boom that has propelled economies across the Asia-Pacific region. These days, Australian engineers - like executives, merchants and manufacturers elsewhere in the region - cannot seem to work fast enough to satisfy the hunger of their biggest new customer: China.</P><P>Not long ago Australia and China regarded each other with suspicion. But through newfound diplomatic finesse and the seemingly irresistible lure of its long economic expansion, Beijing has skillfully turned around relations with Australia, America's staunchest ally in the region. </P><P>The turnabout is just one sign of the broad new influence Beijing has accumulated across the Asian Pacific with American friends and foes alike. From the mines of Newman - an outpost of 3,000 in a corner of the outback - to theforests of Myanmar, the former Burma, China's rapid growth is sucking up resources and pulling the region's varied economies in its wake. The effect is unlike anything since the rise of Japanese economic power after World War II.</P><P>For now, China's presence mostly translates into money, and the doors it opens. But more and more, China is leveraging its economic clout to support its political preferences.</P><P>Beijing is pushing for regional political and economic groupings it can dominate, like a proposed East Asia Community that would cut out the United States and create a global bloc to rival the European Union. It is dispersing aid and, in ways not seen before, pressing countries to fall in line on its top foreign policy priority: its claim over Taiwan.</P><P>China's higher profile is all the more striking, analysts, executives and diplomats say, as Washington's preoccupation with Iraq and terrorism has left it seemingly disengaged from the region, which in turn has found the United States more off-putting and harder to penetrate after Sept. 11.</P><P>American military supremacy remains unquestioned, regional officials say. But the United States appears to be on the losing side of trade patterns. China is now South Korea's biggest trade partner, and two years ago Japan's imports from China surpassed those from the United States. Current trends show China is likely to top American trade with Southeast Asia in just a few years.</P><P>China's prime minister, Wen Jiabao, as much as threw down the gauntlet last year, saying he believed that China's trade with Southeast Asia would reach $100 billion by 2005, just shy of the $120 billion in trade the United States does with the region.</P><P>Mr. Wen's claim was no idle boast. Almost no country has escaped the pull of China's enormous craving for trade and, above all, energy and other natural resources to fuel its still galloping expansion and growing consumer demand. Though the Chinese government's growth target for 2004 is 7 percent, compared with 9.1 percent for 2003, few are worried about a slowdown soon.</P><P>In Thailand, where the United States maintains its second largest embassy, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who is of ethnic Chinese descent, is considering building a pipeline across the southern Isthmus of Kra that would give China quicker access to Middle East oil.</P><P>In Malaysia, where exports of gas, palm oil and midrange electronics to China have soared, the new prime minister, Abdullah Badawi, chose to make China his first major overseas visit. He was accompanied by 800 business executives.</P><P>Chinese executives and diplomats, sensing the advantage that comes with one of the world's fastest-growing economies, have extended their reach to the point that China is increasingly seen as the go-to neighbor, diplomats and other analysts say. </P><P>Many here already contend the future belongs to China. A new generation of political and business leaders is placing its bets now on what is nearly universally seen as China's rise - and hedging against a possible waning of American influence. </P><P>Even as America's position erodes, its policies - on Iraq, North Korea, weapons proliferation - have tended to push China and its neighbors together. Not least among the shared interests is a "mutual concern about the unilateralism" of current American policy, said Muhammad Noordin Sopiee, chairman of Malaysia's Institute of Strategic and International Studies.</P><P>"They need regional friendship, we need regional friendship," he said of the Chinese. "They need time to develop their economy, so do we. They need protection from the United States and so do we.'' </P><P>"Sometimes you see the glint of steel," he added of the Chinese approach, "But they hide it. They want to be friends." </P><P>An Embrace for Myanmar </P><P>China's rapid gain in influence in the Asia Pacific region ranges so broadly that it can be measured at the extremes, in countries as divergent as rich and distant Australia and impoverished but strategically important Myanmar.</P><P>The military government of Myanmar is no favorite of Washington. The Bush administration has tried since last year to use trade sanctions to coerce Myanmar's generals to share power and release the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest. But the logic of the sanctions did not impress even a local Burmese restaurant owner on the road from Mandalay to China.</P><P>With ceiling fans powered by scarce electricity whirring gently, he drew a rough map of Myanmar on a bare wood table top for a recent visitor. India, Thailand, Laos, China, he said pointing to the neighbors.</P><P>"As long as China remains friendly nothing will change," said the man, who did not want to be named for fear of Myanmar's ruthless military intelligence service. "China can provide everything the country needs from a needle to a nuclear bomb."</P><P>China has in fact capsized Washington's policy with its own trade deals, which far outweigh the value of the American penalties. The State Department estimates that Myanmar lost about $200 million in the first year of the ban on imports to the United States. At the same time, it said, trade between China and Myanmar amounted to about $1 billion in 2003.</P><P>Here is where economic leverage translates into political preference. For China, Myanmar provides is too important as a gateway to energy and other natural resources to be thrown overboard. Not only has China offset the American sanctions and kept Myanmar afloat with easy credit and trade, but it has taken Myanmar's military leaders under its wing.</P><P>On a visit this spring to Myanmar's capital, Yangon, formerly Rangoon, China's deputy prime minister, Wu Yi, pledged to expand trade to $1.5 billion in 2005. In July, Myanmar's new prime minister, Khin Nyunt, paid an eight-day visit to China, where he was treated like an old friend. </P><P>He returned with a raft of accords on railways, a fertilizer factory and mine exploration, as well as $150 million loan for telecommunications and a $94 million rescheduling of debts - relatively small amounts that show how easy it has become for China to serve as Myanmar's patron. </P><P>Chinese officials have also been willing to finance vital hydroelectric dam projects in the absence of lenders from anywhere else. And they recently proposed that a pipeline be built from Myanmar's west coast port of Sittwe to Kunming, the capital of China's southwestern Yunnan Province, allowing China more direct access to Middle East oil.</P><P>Closer to the border, the trade is in smuggled teak, a wood prized for its beauty and durability by China's surging furniture manufacturers. The teak trade is as illustrative as any of the symbiotic relationship between the Chinese and Burmese authorities.</P><P>"China needs Burma's natural resources to fuel development on the border and in Yunnan Province as a whole," Simon Phillips, the author of a report on the trade published last year for Global Witness, a British nongovernmental organization, said in an interview.</P><P>After China banned logging on its side of the border in 1998, Chinese companies moved their workers - tens of thousands of them - into Myanmar, he said. With the backing of political patrons in the Myanmar military, and in separatist militias, the loggers carried on their work with impunity.</P><P>The benefits flow both ways. The provincial government in Kunming depends on the companies for revenue. On Myanmar's side, aside from the money lavished on local Burmese political patrons, there was the added advantage that the Chinese built roads. </P><P>One of the most important highways that China has helped improve is the main artery from the border to Mandalay, the old royal capital. These days, the traffic is varied. Huge trucks, many of them 40-year-old hulks with exposed engines, still haul outsized teak logs to China. Smaller vans, piled with crates of live crabs from Myanmar's Indian Ocean ports, ply a profitable 48-hour journey delivering delicacies for Chinese epicures. </P><P>From China, a vast assortment of cheap consumer goods for local markets comes down the road, particularly to Lashio. On a recent day, the city market was packed with Chinese electronics, clothes and food. </P><P>But local people, like the restaurant owner, who have watched the traffic flows, say they mostly go one way - into China.</P><P>"Myanmar is the resource pit of China," the restaurant owner lamented. "We send our best wood to them, our best gems, our best fruit. What do we get? Their worst fruit and their cheapest products."</P><P>A Good Year for Australia</P><P>For executives at BHP Billiton, the Australian giant that is the world's largest mining company and the operator of the Mount Whaleback mine, it has been a very good year. They will be the first to say that China has made all the difference.</P><P>Profits were up nearly 80 percent, the company reported in August, much of the growth riding on new orders from the Chinese steel mills casting girders for the skyscrapers that dot China's urban expansion.</P><P>Chinese diplomats talk of the natural fit between the two countries: last year China became the biggest importer of iron ore in the world, and Australia is its second biggest producer.</P><P>With orders from China surging, BHP Billiton executives say they are opening mines and expanding their overburdened rail and shipping facilities at Port Hedland, on the northwest coast. On a recent day, no fewer than 13 ships waited to berth and load with ore for the 10-day journey to China.</P><P>Doug Trotter, a project geologist who works at a new BHP Billiton mine called Area C, 100 miles east of Mount Whaleback, called that kind of demand "job security."</P><P>"They originally planned that this plant would produce four million tons of ore next year," he said. "Instead, we expect to produce 20 million in 2005."</P><P>Even more of a bonanza is China's demand for natural gas, which Beijing says it will use to start replacing coal.</P><P>At Karratha, another port south of Hedland, gas from 100 miles out at sea arrives through underwater pipes to be liquefied in a huge processing plant. Then, for the moment, it is pumped into a fleet of mammoth domed vessels for shipment to buyers like Japan and South Korea. China is the newest customer.</P><P>In the richest trade deal in Australian history, sealed after Prime Minister John Howard personally lobbied officials in Beijing, the Chinese agreed to buy a 25-year supply of liquid natural gas from the Australian company Woodside Energy for $25 billion.</P><P>The Australians beat Qatar and Indonesia in the bidding, even though their price was higher, because they could better guarantee a secure supply, said Lucio Della Martina, general manager for marketing at Woodside. </P><P>Huge as the deal was, negotiations are already under way for a still bigger deal - valued at $30 billion - for gas at a deposit called Gorgon, also off Western Australia.</P><P>Whether natural gas or iron ore, Australian sensitivities about foreign ownership of natural resources have been outweighed by the sheer size of the Chinese contracts. Just as compelling is the eagerness among Chinese and Australian diplomats and executives to lock in a mutually beneficial relationship for the distant future.</P><P>At BHP Billiton's headquarters in downtown Perth, where recent gifts from Chinese delegations are displayed along side older bearings from Japan and South Korea, Graeme Hunt, president of BHP Billiton's iron ore division, said the company had even invited Chinese mills to take a 40 percent stake in another iron ore mine, at Jimblebar, 30 miles east of Mount Whaleback.</P><P>The Chinese mills, he said, want a secure long-term supply and signed on for 25 years for an estimated $9 billion of ore. A slowdown in the Chinese economy was not a worry, Mr. Hunt said.</P><P>"We're still very confident," he said. "China is the fourth largest car producer in the world but most people still don't have a car. There's still a long way to go before the average Chinese person has all the material things of life." </P><P>U.S. Friends Uneasy</P><P>Just how American allies weigh their strategic relationship with America against the economic opportunities offered by China is fast becoming a front-burner issue. America's friends see a difficult balancing act ahead.</P><P>Among the most nervous is Singapore. China publicly scolded the new prime minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, before his inauguration in August, for visiting Taiwan, where Singapore trains its soldiers, even though his father, Lee Kwan Yew, had visited Taiwan many times. China said it would delay trade talks as a punishment. </P><P>The gravity of the threat was not lost on Mr. Lee. In his first major speech in August, the new prime minister hastily reaffirmed Singapore's support for a "one China" policy on Taiwan, which Beijing considers a renegade province.</P><P>For his part, Mr. Howard, the conservative Australian prime minister, boasted in August that one of his "great successes" was building a "very close relationship" with China while strengthening ties with Washington. He was proud, he said, that he had given symbolic parity to President Bush and the Chinese president, Hu Jintao, by arranging for them to speak on consecutive days before Parliament last fall, where Mr. Hu was given a warmer reception. </P><P>But there is also an underlying apprehension, which surfaced publicly for the first time in August. The Australian foreign minister, Alexander Downer, said Australia, which has been a stalwart American ally on Iraq, would have great reservations about joining the United States if a conflict broke out over Taiwan. Mr. Howard had to move quickly to set the record straight, dressing down his foreign minister by saying the remarks were "completely hypothetical." </P><P>Some in the Howard government are beginning to worry that Australia may not long be able to have its cake and eat it too when it comes to China and Taiwan. </P><P>Most countries in the region, like Thailand, are already on board with China's claim to sovereignty over Taiwan, and some in Australia worry that China is quickly chipping away at the last holdouts.</P><P>In his speech to the Australian Parliament, the Chinese president urged Australia to help seek a solution to the Taiwan question - a point interpreted here as pressing the country to choose between China and the United States on the issue. </P><P>Such crossroads loom even as the Chinese and Australian economies become increasingly intertwined. </P><P>Some high-level American officials warn that the United States is losing its once invulnerable position in Asia. James A. Kelly, the assistant secretary of state for East Asia and the Pacific, in unusually blunt testimony before Congress in June, listed Beijing's aggressive diplomatic moves and said they were being used to strengthen China's economic gains. </P><P>Even if American officials have trained most of their energies and attention elsewhere after 9/11, China's new generation of diplomats, like its ambassador to Australia, Fu Ying, are keenly attuned to the potential tug of competing allegiances, and seem prepared to plug any gaps.</P><P>Mrs. Fu was sent to Canberra to lock in Australia's energy resources. She is succeeding, and noted that even while the economic relationship brings the two countries closer, differences remain.</P><P>"When you had this kind of relationship with Japan you were from the same side of the fence," she said in an interview in an influential Australian newspaper, The Sydney Morning Herald. "No ideological barriers whatsoever. With China it is different."</P><P>"Do you understand China that well?" she asked. "And does China understand Australia that well?"</P><P>Those questions remain to be answered.
</P>
Across Asia, Beijing's Star Is in Ascendance
By JANE PERLEZ</P><P>Published: August 28, 2004</P><P>
EWMAN, Australia - Chris Dunbar watched as a front-end loader carved into a 60-foot wall of iron ore glinting in the red dirt of a vast open mine in the big sky country of northwestern Australia. "This is as good as it gets," said a satisfied Mr. Dunbar, 47, a manager with more than 20 years of experience.
He was boasting about the richness of the blue-black ore at the Mount Whaleback mine, but he might as well have been bragging about the boom that has propelled economies across the Asia-Pacific region. These days, Australian engineers - like executives, merchants and manufacturers elsewhere in the region - cannot seem to work fast enough to satisfy the hunger of their biggest new customer: China.</P><P>Not long ago Australia and China regarded each other with suspicion. But through newfound diplomatic finesse and the seemingly irresistible lure of its long economic expansion, Beijing has skillfully turned around relations with Australia, America's staunchest ally in the region. </P><P>The turnabout is just one sign of the broad new influence Beijing has accumulated across the Asian Pacific with American friends and foes alike. From the mines of Newman - an outpost of 3,000 in a corner of the outback - to theforests of Myanmar, the former Burma, China's rapid growth is sucking up resources and pulling the region's varied economies in its wake. The effect is unlike anything since the rise of Japanese economic power after World War II.</P><P>For now, China's presence mostly translates into money, and the doors it opens. But more and more, China is leveraging its economic clout to support its political preferences.</P><P>Beijing is pushing for regional political and economic groupings it can dominate, like a proposed East Asia Community that would cut out the United States and create a global bloc to rival the European Union. It is dispersing aid and, in ways not seen before, pressing countries to fall in line on its top foreign policy priority: its claim over Taiwan.</P><P>China's higher profile is all the more striking, analysts, executives and diplomats say, as Washington's preoccupation with Iraq and terrorism has left it seemingly disengaged from the region, which in turn has found the United States more off-putting and harder to penetrate after Sept. 11.</P><P>American military supremacy remains unquestioned, regional officials say. But the United States appears to be on the losing side of trade patterns. China is now South Korea's biggest trade partner, and two years ago Japan's imports from China surpassed those from the United States. Current trends show China is likely to top American trade with Southeast Asia in just a few years.</P><P>China's prime minister, Wen Jiabao, as much as threw down the gauntlet last year, saying he believed that China's trade with Southeast Asia would reach $100 billion by 2005, just shy of the $120 billion in trade the United States does with the region.</P><P>Mr. Wen's claim was no idle boast. Almost no country has escaped the pull of China's enormous craving for trade and, above all, energy and other natural resources to fuel its still galloping expansion and growing consumer demand. Though the Chinese government's growth target for 2004 is 7 percent, compared with 9.1 percent for 2003, few are worried about a slowdown soon.</P><P>In Thailand, where the United States maintains its second largest embassy, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who is of ethnic Chinese descent, is considering building a pipeline across the southern Isthmus of Kra that would give China quicker access to Middle East oil.</P><P>In Malaysia, where exports of gas, palm oil and midrange electronics to China have soared, the new prime minister, Abdullah Badawi, chose to make China his first major overseas visit. He was accompanied by 800 business executives.</P><P>Chinese executives and diplomats, sensing the advantage that comes with one of the world's fastest-growing economies, have extended their reach to the point that China is increasingly seen as the go-to neighbor, diplomats and other analysts say. </P><P>Many here already contend the future belongs to China. A new generation of political and business leaders is placing its bets now on what is nearly universally seen as China's rise - and hedging against a possible waning of American influence. </P><P>Even as America's position erodes, its policies - on Iraq, North Korea, weapons proliferation - have tended to push China and its neighbors together. Not least among the shared interests is a "mutual concern about the unilateralism" of current American policy, said Muhammad Noordin Sopiee, chairman of Malaysia's Institute of Strategic and International Studies.</P><P>"They need regional friendship, we need regional friendship," he said of the Chinese. "They need time to develop their economy, so do we. They need protection from the United States and so do we.'' </P><P>"Sometimes you see the glint of steel," he added of the Chinese approach, "But they hide it. They want to be friends." </P><P>An Embrace for Myanmar </P><P>China's rapid gain in influence in the Asia Pacific region ranges so broadly that it can be measured at the extremes, in countries as divergent as rich and distant Australia and impoverished but strategically important Myanmar.</P><P>The military government of Myanmar is no favorite of Washington. The Bush administration has tried since last year to use trade sanctions to coerce Myanmar's generals to share power and release the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest. But the logic of the sanctions did not impress even a local Burmese restaurant owner on the road from Mandalay to China.</P><P>With ceiling fans powered by scarce electricity whirring gently, he drew a rough map of Myanmar on a bare wood table top for a recent visitor. India, Thailand, Laos, China, he said pointing to the neighbors.</P><P>"As long as China remains friendly nothing will change," said the man, who did not want to be named for fear of Myanmar's ruthless military intelligence service. "China can provide everything the country needs from a needle to a nuclear bomb."</P><P>China has in fact capsized Washington's policy with its own trade deals, which far outweigh the value of the American penalties. The State Department estimates that Myanmar lost about $200 million in the first year of the ban on imports to the United States. At the same time, it said, trade between China and Myanmar amounted to about $1 billion in 2003.</P><P>Here is where economic leverage translates into political preference. For China, Myanmar provides is too important as a gateway to energy and other natural resources to be thrown overboard. Not only has China offset the American sanctions and kept Myanmar afloat with easy credit and trade, but it has taken Myanmar's military leaders under its wing.</P><P>On a visit this spring to Myanmar's capital, Yangon, formerly Rangoon, China's deputy prime minister, Wu Yi, pledged to expand trade to $1.5 billion in 2005. In July, Myanmar's new prime minister, Khin Nyunt, paid an eight-day visit to China, where he was treated like an old friend. </P><P>He returned with a raft of accords on railways, a fertilizer factory and mine exploration, as well as $150 million loan for telecommunications and a $94 million rescheduling of debts - relatively small amounts that show how easy it has become for China to serve as Myanmar's patron. </P><P>Chinese officials have also been willing to finance vital hydroelectric dam projects in the absence of lenders from anywhere else. And they recently proposed that a pipeline be built from Myanmar's west coast port of Sittwe to Kunming, the capital of China's southwestern Yunnan Province, allowing China more direct access to Middle East oil.</P><P>Closer to the border, the trade is in smuggled teak, a wood prized for its beauty and durability by China's surging furniture manufacturers. The teak trade is as illustrative as any of the symbiotic relationship between the Chinese and Burmese authorities.</P><P>"China needs Burma's natural resources to fuel development on the border and in Yunnan Province as a whole," Simon Phillips, the author of a report on the trade published last year for Global Witness, a British nongovernmental organization, said in an interview.</P><P>After China banned logging on its side of the border in 1998, Chinese companies moved their workers - tens of thousands of them - into Myanmar, he said. With the backing of political patrons in the Myanmar military, and in separatist militias, the loggers carried on their work with impunity.</P><P>The benefits flow both ways. The provincial government in Kunming depends on the companies for revenue. On Myanmar's side, aside from the money lavished on local Burmese political patrons, there was the added advantage that the Chinese built roads. </P><P>One of the most important highways that China has helped improve is the main artery from the border to Mandalay, the old royal capital. These days, the traffic is varied. Huge trucks, many of them 40-year-old hulks with exposed engines, still haul outsized teak logs to China. Smaller vans, piled with crates of live crabs from Myanmar's Indian Ocean ports, ply a profitable 48-hour journey delivering delicacies for Chinese epicures. </P><P>From China, a vast assortment of cheap consumer goods for local markets comes down the road, particularly to Lashio. On a recent day, the city market was packed with Chinese electronics, clothes and food. </P><P>But local people, like the restaurant owner, who have watched the traffic flows, say they mostly go one way - into China.</P><P>"Myanmar is the resource pit of China," the restaurant owner lamented. "We send our best wood to them, our best gems, our best fruit. What do we get? Their worst fruit and their cheapest products."</P><P>A Good Year for Australia</P><P>For executives at BHP Billiton, the Australian giant that is the world's largest mining company and the operator of the Mount Whaleback mine, it has been a very good year. They will be the first to say that China has made all the difference.</P><P>Profits were up nearly 80 percent, the company reported in August, much of the growth riding on new orders from the Chinese steel mills casting girders for the skyscrapers that dot China's urban expansion.</P><P>Chinese diplomats talk of the natural fit between the two countries: last year China became the biggest importer of iron ore in the world, and Australia is its second biggest producer.</P><P>With orders from China surging, BHP Billiton executives say they are opening mines and expanding their overburdened rail and shipping facilities at Port Hedland, on the northwest coast. On a recent day, no fewer than 13 ships waited to berth and load with ore for the 10-day journey to China.</P><P>Doug Trotter, a project geologist who works at a new BHP Billiton mine called Area C, 100 miles east of Mount Whaleback, called that kind of demand "job security."</P><P>"They originally planned that this plant would produce four million tons of ore next year," he said. "Instead, we expect to produce 20 million in 2005."</P><P>Even more of a bonanza is China's demand for natural gas, which Beijing says it will use to start replacing coal.</P><P>At Karratha, another port south of Hedland, gas from 100 miles out at sea arrives through underwater pipes to be liquefied in a huge processing plant. Then, for the moment, it is pumped into a fleet of mammoth domed vessels for shipment to buyers like Japan and South Korea. China is the newest customer.</P><P>In the richest trade deal in Australian history, sealed after Prime Minister John Howard personally lobbied officials in Beijing, the Chinese agreed to buy a 25-year supply of liquid natural gas from the Australian company Woodside Energy for $25 billion.</P><P>The Australians beat Qatar and Indonesia in the bidding, even though their price was higher, because they could better guarantee a secure supply, said Lucio Della Martina, general manager for marketing at Woodside. </P><P>Huge as the deal was, negotiations are already under way for a still bigger deal - valued at $30 billion - for gas at a deposit called Gorgon, also off Western Australia.</P><P>Whether natural gas or iron ore, Australian sensitivities about foreign ownership of natural resources have been outweighed by the sheer size of the Chinese contracts. Just as compelling is the eagerness among Chinese and Australian diplomats and executives to lock in a mutually beneficial relationship for the distant future.</P><P>At BHP Billiton's headquarters in downtown Perth, where recent gifts from Chinese delegations are displayed along side older bearings from Japan and South Korea, Graeme Hunt, president of BHP Billiton's iron ore division, said the company had even invited Chinese mills to take a 40 percent stake in another iron ore mine, at Jimblebar, 30 miles east of Mount Whaleback.</P><P>The Chinese mills, he said, want a secure long-term supply and signed on for 25 years for an estimated $9 billion of ore. A slowdown in the Chinese economy was not a worry, Mr. Hunt said.</P><P>"We're still very confident," he said. "China is the fourth largest car producer in the world but most people still don't have a car. There's still a long way to go before the average Chinese person has all the material things of life." </P><P>U.S. Friends Uneasy</P><P>Just how American allies weigh their strategic relationship with America against the economic opportunities offered by China is fast becoming a front-burner issue. America's friends see a difficult balancing act ahead.</P><P>Among the most nervous is Singapore. China publicly scolded the new prime minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, before his inauguration in August, for visiting Taiwan, where Singapore trains its soldiers, even though his father, Lee Kwan Yew, had visited Taiwan many times. China said it would delay trade talks as a punishment. </P><P>The gravity of the threat was not lost on Mr. Lee. In his first major speech in August, the new prime minister hastily reaffirmed Singapore's support for a "one China" policy on Taiwan, which Beijing considers a renegade province.</P><P>For his part, Mr. Howard, the conservative Australian prime minister, boasted in August that one of his "great successes" was building a "very close relationship" with China while strengthening ties with Washington. He was proud, he said, that he had given symbolic parity to President Bush and the Chinese president, Hu Jintao, by arranging for them to speak on consecutive days before Parliament last fall, where Mr. Hu was given a warmer reception. </P><P>But there is also an underlying apprehension, which surfaced publicly for the first time in August. The Australian foreign minister, Alexander Downer, said Australia, which has been a stalwart American ally on Iraq, would have great reservations about joining the United States if a conflict broke out over Taiwan. Mr. Howard had to move quickly to set the record straight, dressing down his foreign minister by saying the remarks were "completely hypothetical." </P><P>Some in the Howard government are beginning to worry that Australia may not long be able to have its cake and eat it too when it comes to China and Taiwan. </P><P>Most countries in the region, like Thailand, are already on board with China's claim to sovereignty over Taiwan, and some in Australia worry that China is quickly chipping away at the last holdouts.</P><P>In his speech to the Australian Parliament, the Chinese president urged Australia to help seek a solution to the Taiwan question - a point interpreted here as pressing the country to choose between China and the United States on the issue. </P><P>Such crossroads loom even as the Chinese and Australian economies become increasingly intertwined. </P><P>Some high-level American officials warn that the United States is losing its once invulnerable position in Asia. James A. Kelly, the assistant secretary of state for East Asia and the Pacific, in unusually blunt testimony before Congress in June, listed Beijing's aggressive diplomatic moves and said they were being used to strengthen China's economic gains. </P><P>Even if American officials have trained most of their energies and attention elsewhere after 9/11, China's new generation of diplomats, like its ambassador to Australia, Fu Ying, are keenly attuned to the potential tug of competing allegiances, and seem prepared to plug any gaps.</P><P>Mrs. Fu was sent to Canberra to lock in Australia's energy resources. She is succeeding, and noted that even while the economic relationship brings the two countries closer, differences remain.</P><P>"When you had this kind of relationship with Japan you were from the same side of the fence," she said in an interview in an influential Australian newspaper, The Sydney Morning Herald. "No ideological barriers whatsoever. With China it is different."</P><P>"Do you understand China that well?" she asked. "And does China understand Australia that well?"</P><P>Those questions remain to be answered.
</P>
又是鼓吹中国威胁论的
<P>不过确实反映了中国在努力拓展自己在周边国家的影响力，中国外交部是在扎扎实实做工作的。</P><P>温总前段时间还在强调经济外交！呵呵！</P>
<P>北京咄咄逼人的外交行动，</P><P>这是俺觉得最值得高兴的一句话</P>[em08][em08][em08][em02]
<P>翻译的好，支持一下</P>
我也感觉是鼓吹中国威胁论的
用心险恶，但从侧面说明问题。