超级军网zt梅德韦杰夫：俄国为何必须承认南阿独立？
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/05/04 14:53:50
转自：www.ftchinese.com
俄国为何必须承认南阿独立？
作者：俄罗斯总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫(Dmitry Medvedev)为英国《金融时报》撰稿
2008年8月28日 星期四
本周二，俄罗斯宣布承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹地区独立。这并非轻率做出的决定，也充分考虑了后果。但我们必须在一切可能的后果和对形势的清醒认识之间权衡轻重——这些形势包括阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民的历史，他们自由表达的独立意愿，过去几周内悲剧性事件，以及国际上此类举动的先例。
并非世界上所有民族都拥有自己的国家地位。许多民族都快乐地生活在与其它民族共享的国境线之内。俄罗斯联邦就是一个例子：许多民族和国民和睦共存。但有些民族无法忍受在其他民族的监护下生活。处理生活在“同一屋檐下的”民族之间的关系，需要极度小心。
共产主义分崩离析之后，俄罗斯甘心接受了“失去”14个前苏联共和国的事实。这些共和国成为了独立国家，尽管有大约2500万俄罗斯人留在了不再属于自己的国家。其中有些国家在对待少数民族时不能给予他们应得的尊重。格鲁吉亚就立刻剥夺了阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯“自治区”的自治权。
格鲁吉亚政府关闭了阿布哈兹人民在苏呼米的大学，理由居然是阿布哈兹人据称没有严格意义上的语言、历史或文化，因此不需要一所大学，你能否想象阿布哈兹人民对此会有何感受？新独立的格鲁吉亚使其少数民族经历了一场邪恶的战争，导致数以千计的民众流离失所，播下了不满的种子，而这种不满只会不断加剧。这些都是一触即燃的火药桶，就摆在俄罗斯家门口，而俄罗斯维和部队竭力阻止它们点燃。
然而，西方国家无视局势的微妙，无意地（或有意地）助长南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由的希望。（这句话的翻译可能有问题）他们与格鲁吉亚总统米哈伊尔•萨卡什维利(Mikheil Saakashvili)紧密勾结；而这位总统上任后的第一项举措就是打破了另一个自治区阿扎尔的自治，同时毫不掩饰其压制奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的企图。
与此同时，西方国家不顾俄罗斯的警告，迅速承认科索沃地区脱离塞尔维亚，非法宣告独立。我们一贯主张，在科索沃独立之后，不可能再告诉阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民（以及世界各地许多其它群体），适合科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的做法不适合他们。在国际关系中，不能对某些国家应用一种规则，而对其他国家应用另一种规则。
注意到预警信号后，我们不懈地劝说格鲁吉亚签署一项协议，承诺不对奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民使用武力。但这遭到了萨卡什维利的拒绝。在8月7日至8日的夜里，我们明白了他这样做的原因。
只有疯子才会这样孤注一掷。他真的以为，俄罗斯会坐视不顾，听任他对沉睡中的茨欣瓦利城发动全面攻击，杀害数百名爱好和平的平民（其中大多数是俄罗斯公民）吗？他真的以为，当他的“维和”部队向俄罗斯军队开火（他们本应与其俄罗斯战友共同阻止南奥塞梯的麻烦），俄罗斯会袖手旁观吗？
俄罗斯别无选择，为了挽救生命只能反击。这不是我们选择的战争。我们对格鲁吉亚领土没有任何不良企图。我们的军队进入格鲁吉亚，摧毁发动攻击的基地，然后便撤离了。我们恢复了和平，但无法抚平南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的担心与渴望——当萨卡什维利（在美国和北约(Nato)其它一些成员国的合谋与怂恿下）不断表示要重整人马，收复“格鲁吉亚领土”时，我们是无法做到这一点的。此后，南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹共和国的总统请求俄罗斯承认两国独立。
我肩负着一个重大决定。考虑到奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由表达的意愿，根据联合国宪章(UN charter)和其它国际法的基本准则，我签署了一项法令，俄罗斯联邦承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立。我们与格鲁吉亚人民的友谊历史悠久，对他们的遭遇深感同情。我真诚地希望格鲁吉亚人民有朝一日能拥有他们应得的领袖，一位关心他们的国家、与高加索地区所有人民发展互敬关系的领袖。俄罗斯将为实现这一目标提供支持。
（本文作者为俄罗斯联邦总统，本文不代表FT中文网观点。）
附英文原文：
Why I had to recognise Georgia's breakaway regions
By Dmitry Medvedev
Thursday, August 28, 2008
On Tuesday Russia recognised the independence of the territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It was not a step taken lightly, or without full consideration of the consequences. But all possible outcomes had to be weighed against a sober understanding of the situation – the histories of the Abkhaz and Ossetian peoples, their freely expressed desire for independence, the tragic events of the past weeks and inter?national precedents for such a move.
Not all of the world's nations have their own statehood. Many exist happily within boundaries shared with other nations. The Russian Federation is an example of largely harmonious coexistence by many dozens of nations and nationalities. But some nations find it impossible to live under the tutelage of another. Relations between nations living “under one roof” need to be handled with the utmost sensitivity.
After the collapse of communism, Russia reconciled itself to the “loss” of 14 former Soviet republics, which became states in their own right, even though some 25m Russians were left stranded in countries no longer their own. Some of those nations were un?able to treat their own minorities with the respect they deserved. Georgia immediately stripped its “autonomous regions” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia of their autonomy.
Can you imagine what it was like for the Abkhaz people to have their university in Sukhumi closed down by the Tbilisi government on the grounds that they allegedly had no proper language or history or culture and so did not need a university? The newly independent Georgia inflicted a vicious war on its minority nations, displacing thousands of people and sowing seeds of discontent that could only grow. These were tinderboxes, right on Russia's doorstep, which Russian peacekeepers strove to keep from igniting.
But the west, ignoring the delicacy of the situation, unwittingly (or wittingly) fed the hopes of the South Ossetians and Abkhazians for freedom. They clasped to their bosom a Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, whose first move was to crush the autonomy of another region, Adjaria, and made no secret of his intention to squash the Ossetians and Abkhazians.
Meanwhile, ignoring Russia's warnings, western countries rushed to recognise Kosovo's illegal declaration of independence from Serbia. We argued consistently that it would be impossible, after that, to tell the Abkhazians and Ossetians (and dozens of other groups around the world) that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them. In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.
Seeing the warning signs, we persistently tried to persuade the Georgians to sign an agreement on the non-use of force with the Ossetians and Abkhazians. Mr Saakashvili refused. On the night of August 7-8 we found out why.
Only a madman could have taken such a gamble. Did he believe Russia would stand idly by as he launched an all-out assault on the sleeping city of Tskhinvali, murdering hundreds of peaceful civilians, most of them Russian citizens? Did he believe Russia would stand by as his “peacekeeping” troops fired on Russian comrades with whom they were supposed to be preventing trouble in South Ossetia?
Russia had no option but to crush the attack to save lives. This was not a war of our choice. We have no designs on Georgian territory. Our troops entered Georgia to destroy bases from which the attack was launched and then left. We restored the peace but could not calm the fears and aspirations of the South Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples – not when Mr Saakashvili continued (with the complicity and encouragement of the US and some other Nato members) to talk of rearming his forces and reclaiming “Georgian territory”. The presidents of the two republics appealed to Russia to recognise their independence.
A heavy decision weighed on my shoulders. Taking into account the freely expressed views of the Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples, and based on the principles of the United Nations charter and other documents of international law, I signed a decree on the Russian Federation's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I sincerely hope that the Georgian people, to whom we feel historic friendship and sympathy, will one day have leaders they deserve, who care about their country and who develop mutually respectful relations with all the peoples in the Caucasus. Russia is ready to support the achievement of such a goal.
（The writer is president of the Russian Federation）转自：www.ftchinese.com
俄国为何必须承认南阿独立？
作者：俄罗斯总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫(Dmitry Medvedev)为英国《金融时报》撰稿
2008年8月28日 星期四
本周二，俄罗斯宣布承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹地区独立。这并非轻率做出的决定，也充分考虑了后果。但我们必须在一切可能的后果和对形势的清醒认识之间权衡轻重——这些形势包括阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民的历史，他们自由表达的独立意愿，过去几周内悲剧性事件，以及国际上此类举动的先例。
并非世界上所有民族都拥有自己的国家地位。许多民族都快乐地生活在与其它民族共享的国境线之内。俄罗斯联邦就是一个例子：许多民族和国民和睦共存。但有些民族无法忍受在其他民族的监护下生活。处理生活在“同一屋檐下的”民族之间的关系，需要极度小心。
共产主义分崩离析之后，俄罗斯甘心接受了“失去”14个前苏联共和国的事实。这些共和国成为了独立国家，尽管有大约2500万俄罗斯人留在了不再属于自己的国家。其中有些国家在对待少数民族时不能给予他们应得的尊重。格鲁吉亚就立刻剥夺了阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯“自治区”的自治权。
格鲁吉亚政府关闭了阿布哈兹人民在苏呼米的大学，理由居然是阿布哈兹人据称没有严格意义上的语言、历史或文化，因此不需要一所大学，你能否想象阿布哈兹人民对此会有何感受？新独立的格鲁吉亚使其少数民族经历了一场邪恶的战争，导致数以千计的民众流离失所，播下了不满的种子，而这种不满只会不断加剧。这些都是一触即燃的火药桶，就摆在俄罗斯家门口，而俄罗斯维和部队竭力阻止它们点燃。
然而，西方国家无视局势的微妙，无意地（或有意地）助长南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由的希望。（这句话的翻译可能有问题）他们与格鲁吉亚总统米哈伊尔•萨卡什维利(Mikheil Saakashvili)紧密勾结；而这位总统上任后的第一项举措就是打破了另一个自治区阿扎尔的自治，同时毫不掩饰其压制奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的企图。
与此同时，西方国家不顾俄罗斯的警告，迅速承认科索沃地区脱离塞尔维亚，非法宣告独立。我们一贯主张，在科索沃独立之后，不可能再告诉阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民（以及世界各地许多其它群体），适合科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的做法不适合他们。在国际关系中，不能对某些国家应用一种规则，而对其他国家应用另一种规则。
注意到预警信号后，我们不懈地劝说格鲁吉亚签署一项协议，承诺不对奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民使用武力。但这遭到了萨卡什维利的拒绝。在8月7日至8日的夜里，我们明白了他这样做的原因。
只有疯子才会这样孤注一掷。他真的以为，俄罗斯会坐视不顾，听任他对沉睡中的茨欣瓦利城发动全面攻击，杀害数百名爱好和平的平民（其中大多数是俄罗斯公民）吗？他真的以为，当他的“维和”部队向俄罗斯军队开火（他们本应与其俄罗斯战友共同阻止南奥塞梯的麻烦），俄罗斯会袖手旁观吗？
俄罗斯别无选择，为了挽救生命只能反击。这不是我们选择的战争。我们对格鲁吉亚领土没有任何不良企图。我们的军队进入格鲁吉亚，摧毁发动攻击的基地，然后便撤离了。我们恢复了和平，但无法抚平南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的担心与渴望——当萨卡什维利（在美国和北约(Nato)其它一些成员国的合谋与怂恿下）不断表示要重整人马，收复“格鲁吉亚领土”时，我们是无法做到这一点的。此后，南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹共和国的总统请求俄罗斯承认两国独立。
我肩负着一个重大决定。考虑到奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由表达的意愿，根据联合国宪章(UN charter)和其它国际法的基本准则，我签署了一项法令，俄罗斯联邦承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立。我们与格鲁吉亚人民的友谊历史悠久，对他们的遭遇深感同情。我真诚地希望格鲁吉亚人民有朝一日能拥有他们应得的领袖，一位关心他们的国家、与高加索地区所有人民发展互敬关系的领袖。俄罗斯将为实现这一目标提供支持。
（本文作者为俄罗斯联邦总统，本文不代表FT中文网观点。）
附英文原文：
Why I had to recognise Georgia's breakaway regions
By Dmitry Medvedev
Thursday, August 28, 2008
On Tuesday Russia recognised the independence of the territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It was not a step taken lightly, or without full consideration of the consequences. But all possible outcomes had to be weighed against a sober understanding of the situation – the histories of the Abkhaz and Ossetian peoples, their freely expressed desire for independence, the tragic events of the past weeks and inter?national precedents for such a move.
Not all of the world's nations have their own statehood. Many exist happily within boundaries shared with other nations. The Russian Federation is an example of largely harmonious coexistence by many dozens of nations and nationalities. But some nations find it impossible to live under the tutelage of another. Relations between nations living “under one roof” need to be handled with the utmost sensitivity.
After the collapse of communism, Russia reconciled itself to the “loss” of 14 former Soviet republics, which became states in their own right, even though some 25m Russians were left stranded in countries no longer their own. Some of those nations were un?able to treat their own minorities with the respect they deserved. Georgia immediately stripped its “autonomous regions” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia of their autonomy.
Can you imagine what it was like for the Abkhaz people to have their university in Sukhumi closed down by the Tbilisi government on the grounds that they allegedly had no proper language or history or culture and so did not need a university? The newly independent Georgia inflicted a vicious war on its minority nations, displacing thousands of people and sowing seeds of discontent that could only grow. These were tinderboxes, right on Russia's doorstep, which Russian peacekeepers strove to keep from igniting.
But the west, ignoring the delicacy of the situation, unwittingly (or wittingly) fed the hopes of the South Ossetians and Abkhazians for freedom. They clasped to their bosom a Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, whose first move was to crush the autonomy of another region, Adjaria, and made no secret of his intention to squash the Ossetians and Abkhazians.
Meanwhile, ignoring Russia's warnings, western countries rushed to recognise Kosovo's illegal declaration of independence from Serbia. We argued consistently that it would be impossible, after that, to tell the Abkhazians and Ossetians (and dozens of other groups around the world) that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them. In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.
Seeing the warning signs, we persistently tried to persuade the Georgians to sign an agreement on the non-use of force with the Ossetians and Abkhazians. Mr Saakashvili refused. On the night of August 7-8 we found out why.
Only a madman could have taken such a gamble. Did he believe Russia would stand idly by as he launched an all-out assault on the sleeping city of Tskhinvali, murdering hundreds of peaceful civilians, most of them Russian citizens? Did he believe Russia would stand by as his “peacekeeping” troops fired on Russian comrades with whom they were supposed to be preventing trouble in South Ossetia?
Russia had no option but to crush the attack to save lives. This was not a war of our choice. We have no designs on Georgian territory. Our troops entered Georgia to destroy bases from which the attack was launched and then left. We restored the peace but could not calm the fears and aspirations of the South Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples – not when Mr Saakashvili continued (with the complicity and encouragement of the US and some other Nato members) to talk of rearming his forces and reclaiming “Georgian territory”. The presidents of the two republics appealed to Russia to recognise their independence.
A heavy decision weighed on my shoulders. Taking into account the freely expressed views of the Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples, and based on the principles of the United Nations charter and other documents of international law, I signed a decree on the Russian Federation's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I sincerely hope that the Georgian people, to whom we feel historic friendship and sympathy, will one day have leaders they deserve, who care about their country and who develop mutually respectful relations with all the peoples in the Caucasus. Russia is ready to support the achievement of such a goal.
（The writer is president of the Russian Federation）
俄国为何必须承认南阿独立？
作者：俄罗斯总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫(Dmitry Medvedev)为英国《金融时报》撰稿
2008年8月28日 星期四
本周二，俄罗斯宣布承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹地区独立。这并非轻率做出的决定，也充分考虑了后果。但我们必须在一切可能的后果和对形势的清醒认识之间权衡轻重——这些形势包括阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民的历史，他们自由表达的独立意愿，过去几周内悲剧性事件，以及国际上此类举动的先例。
并非世界上所有民族都拥有自己的国家地位。许多民族都快乐地生活在与其它民族共享的国境线之内。俄罗斯联邦就是一个例子：许多民族和国民和睦共存。但有些民族无法忍受在其他民族的监护下生活。处理生活在“同一屋檐下的”民族之间的关系，需要极度小心。
共产主义分崩离析之后，俄罗斯甘心接受了“失去”14个前苏联共和国的事实。这些共和国成为了独立国家，尽管有大约2500万俄罗斯人留在了不再属于自己的国家。其中有些国家在对待少数民族时不能给予他们应得的尊重。格鲁吉亚就立刻剥夺了阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯“自治区”的自治权。
格鲁吉亚政府关闭了阿布哈兹人民在苏呼米的大学，理由居然是阿布哈兹人据称没有严格意义上的语言、历史或文化，因此不需要一所大学，你能否想象阿布哈兹人民对此会有何感受？新独立的格鲁吉亚使其少数民族经历了一场邪恶的战争，导致数以千计的民众流离失所，播下了不满的种子，而这种不满只会不断加剧。这些都是一触即燃的火药桶，就摆在俄罗斯家门口，而俄罗斯维和部队竭力阻止它们点燃。
然而，西方国家无视局势的微妙，无意地（或有意地）助长南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由的希望。（这句话的翻译可能有问题）他们与格鲁吉亚总统米哈伊尔•萨卡什维利(Mikheil Saakashvili)紧密勾结；而这位总统上任后的第一项举措就是打破了另一个自治区阿扎尔的自治，同时毫不掩饰其压制奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的企图。
与此同时，西方国家不顾俄罗斯的警告，迅速承认科索沃地区脱离塞尔维亚，非法宣告独立。我们一贯主张，在科索沃独立之后，不可能再告诉阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民（以及世界各地许多其它群体），适合科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的做法不适合他们。在国际关系中，不能对某些国家应用一种规则，而对其他国家应用另一种规则。
注意到预警信号后，我们不懈地劝说格鲁吉亚签署一项协议，承诺不对奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民使用武力。但这遭到了萨卡什维利的拒绝。在8月7日至8日的夜里，我们明白了他这样做的原因。
只有疯子才会这样孤注一掷。他真的以为，俄罗斯会坐视不顾，听任他对沉睡中的茨欣瓦利城发动全面攻击，杀害数百名爱好和平的平民（其中大多数是俄罗斯公民）吗？他真的以为，当他的“维和”部队向俄罗斯军队开火（他们本应与其俄罗斯战友共同阻止南奥塞梯的麻烦），俄罗斯会袖手旁观吗？
俄罗斯别无选择，为了挽救生命只能反击。这不是我们选择的战争。我们对格鲁吉亚领土没有任何不良企图。我们的军队进入格鲁吉亚，摧毁发动攻击的基地，然后便撤离了。我们恢复了和平，但无法抚平南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的担心与渴望——当萨卡什维利（在美国和北约(Nato)其它一些成员国的合谋与怂恿下）不断表示要重整人马，收复“格鲁吉亚领土”时，我们是无法做到这一点的。此后，南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹共和国的总统请求俄罗斯承认两国独立。
我肩负着一个重大决定。考虑到奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由表达的意愿，根据联合国宪章(UN charter)和其它国际法的基本准则，我签署了一项法令，俄罗斯联邦承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立。我们与格鲁吉亚人民的友谊历史悠久，对他们的遭遇深感同情。我真诚地希望格鲁吉亚人民有朝一日能拥有他们应得的领袖，一位关心他们的国家、与高加索地区所有人民发展互敬关系的领袖。俄罗斯将为实现这一目标提供支持。
（本文作者为俄罗斯联邦总统，本文不代表FT中文网观点。）
附英文原文：
Why I had to recognise Georgia's breakaway regions
By Dmitry Medvedev
Thursday, August 28, 2008
On Tuesday Russia recognised the independence of the territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It was not a step taken lightly, or without full consideration of the consequences. But all possible outcomes had to be weighed against a sober understanding of the situation – the histories of the Abkhaz and Ossetian peoples, their freely expressed desire for independence, the tragic events of the past weeks and inter?national precedents for such a move.
Not all of the world's nations have their own statehood. Many exist happily within boundaries shared with other nations. The Russian Federation is an example of largely harmonious coexistence by many dozens of nations and nationalities. But some nations find it impossible to live under the tutelage of another. Relations between nations living “under one roof” need to be handled with the utmost sensitivity.
After the collapse of communism, Russia reconciled itself to the “loss” of 14 former Soviet republics, which became states in their own right, even though some 25m Russians were left stranded in countries no longer their own. Some of those nations were un?able to treat their own minorities with the respect they deserved. Georgia immediately stripped its “autonomous regions” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia of their autonomy.
Can you imagine what it was like for the Abkhaz people to have their university in Sukhumi closed down by the Tbilisi government on the grounds that they allegedly had no proper language or history or culture and so did not need a university? The newly independent Georgia inflicted a vicious war on its minority nations, displacing thousands of people and sowing seeds of discontent that could only grow. These were tinderboxes, right on Russia's doorstep, which Russian peacekeepers strove to keep from igniting.
But the west, ignoring the delicacy of the situation, unwittingly (or wittingly) fed the hopes of the South Ossetians and Abkhazians for freedom. They clasped to their bosom a Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, whose first move was to crush the autonomy of another region, Adjaria, and made no secret of his intention to squash the Ossetians and Abkhazians.
Meanwhile, ignoring Russia's warnings, western countries rushed to recognise Kosovo's illegal declaration of independence from Serbia. We argued consistently that it would be impossible, after that, to tell the Abkhazians and Ossetians (and dozens of other groups around the world) that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them. In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.
Seeing the warning signs, we persistently tried to persuade the Georgians to sign an agreement on the non-use of force with the Ossetians and Abkhazians. Mr Saakashvili refused. On the night of August 7-8 we found out why.
Only a madman could have taken such a gamble. Did he believe Russia would stand idly by as he launched an all-out assault on the sleeping city of Tskhinvali, murdering hundreds of peaceful civilians, most of them Russian citizens? Did he believe Russia would stand by as his “peacekeeping” troops fired on Russian comrades with whom they were supposed to be preventing trouble in South Ossetia?
Russia had no option but to crush the attack to save lives. This was not a war of our choice. We have no designs on Georgian territory. Our troops entered Georgia to destroy bases from which the attack was launched and then left. We restored the peace but could not calm the fears and aspirations of the South Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples – not when Mr Saakashvili continued (with the complicity and encouragement of the US and some other Nato members) to talk of rearming his forces and reclaiming “Georgian territory”. The presidents of the two republics appealed to Russia to recognise their independence.
A heavy decision weighed on my shoulders. Taking into account the freely expressed views of the Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples, and based on the principles of the United Nations charter and other documents of international law, I signed a decree on the Russian Federation's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I sincerely hope that the Georgian people, to whom we feel historic friendship and sympathy, will one day have leaders they deserve, who care about their country and who develop mutually respectful relations with all the peoples in the Caucasus. Russia is ready to support the achievement of such a goal.
（The writer is president of the Russian Federation）转自：www.ftchinese.com
俄国为何必须承认南阿独立？
作者：俄罗斯总统德米特里•梅德韦杰夫(Dmitry Medvedev)为英国《金融时报》撰稿
2008年8月28日 星期四
本周二，俄罗斯宣布承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹地区独立。这并非轻率做出的决定，也充分考虑了后果。但我们必须在一切可能的后果和对形势的清醒认识之间权衡轻重——这些形势包括阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民的历史，他们自由表达的独立意愿，过去几周内悲剧性事件，以及国际上此类举动的先例。
并非世界上所有民族都拥有自己的国家地位。许多民族都快乐地生活在与其它民族共享的国境线之内。俄罗斯联邦就是一个例子：许多民族和国民和睦共存。但有些民族无法忍受在其他民族的监护下生活。处理生活在“同一屋檐下的”民族之间的关系，需要极度小心。
共产主义分崩离析之后，俄罗斯甘心接受了“失去”14个前苏联共和国的事实。这些共和国成为了独立国家，尽管有大约2500万俄罗斯人留在了不再属于自己的国家。其中有些国家在对待少数民族时不能给予他们应得的尊重。格鲁吉亚就立刻剥夺了阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯“自治区”的自治权。
格鲁吉亚政府关闭了阿布哈兹人民在苏呼米的大学，理由居然是阿布哈兹人据称没有严格意义上的语言、历史或文化，因此不需要一所大学，你能否想象阿布哈兹人民对此会有何感受？新独立的格鲁吉亚使其少数民族经历了一场邪恶的战争，导致数以千计的民众流离失所，播下了不满的种子，而这种不满只会不断加剧。这些都是一触即燃的火药桶，就摆在俄罗斯家门口，而俄罗斯维和部队竭力阻止它们点燃。
然而，西方国家无视局势的微妙，无意地（或有意地）助长南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由的希望。（这句话的翻译可能有问题）他们与格鲁吉亚总统米哈伊尔•萨卡什维利(Mikheil Saakashvili)紧密勾结；而这位总统上任后的第一项举措就是打破了另一个自治区阿扎尔的自治，同时毫不掩饰其压制奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的企图。
与此同时，西方国家不顾俄罗斯的警告，迅速承认科索沃地区脱离塞尔维亚，非法宣告独立。我们一贯主张，在科索沃独立之后，不可能再告诉阿布哈兹和奥塞梯人民（以及世界各地许多其它群体），适合科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的做法不适合他们。在国际关系中，不能对某些国家应用一种规则，而对其他国家应用另一种规则。
注意到预警信号后，我们不懈地劝说格鲁吉亚签署一项协议，承诺不对奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民使用武力。但这遭到了萨卡什维利的拒绝。在8月7日至8日的夜里，我们明白了他这样做的原因。
只有疯子才会这样孤注一掷。他真的以为，俄罗斯会坐视不顾，听任他对沉睡中的茨欣瓦利城发动全面攻击，杀害数百名爱好和平的平民（其中大多数是俄罗斯公民）吗？他真的以为，当他的“维和”部队向俄罗斯军队开火（他们本应与其俄罗斯战友共同阻止南奥塞梯的麻烦），俄罗斯会袖手旁观吗？
俄罗斯别无选择，为了挽救生命只能反击。这不是我们选择的战争。我们对格鲁吉亚领土没有任何不良企图。我们的军队进入格鲁吉亚，摧毁发动攻击的基地，然后便撤离了。我们恢复了和平，但无法抚平南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民的担心与渴望——当萨卡什维利（在美国和北约(Nato)其它一些成员国的合谋与怂恿下）不断表示要重整人马，收复“格鲁吉亚领土”时，我们是无法做到这一点的。此后，南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹共和国的总统请求俄罗斯承认两国独立。
我肩负着一个重大决定。考虑到奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由表达的意愿，根据联合国宪章(UN charter)和其它国际法的基本准则，我签署了一项法令，俄罗斯联邦承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立。我们与格鲁吉亚人民的友谊历史悠久，对他们的遭遇深感同情。我真诚地希望格鲁吉亚人民有朝一日能拥有他们应得的领袖，一位关心他们的国家、与高加索地区所有人民发展互敬关系的领袖。俄罗斯将为实现这一目标提供支持。
（本文作者为俄罗斯联邦总统，本文不代表FT中文网观点。）
附英文原文：
Why I had to recognise Georgia's breakaway regions
By Dmitry Medvedev
Thursday, August 28, 2008
On Tuesday Russia recognised the independence of the territories of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It was not a step taken lightly, or without full consideration of the consequences. But all possible outcomes had to be weighed against a sober understanding of the situation – the histories of the Abkhaz and Ossetian peoples, their freely expressed desire for independence, the tragic events of the past weeks and inter?national precedents for such a move.
Not all of the world's nations have their own statehood. Many exist happily within boundaries shared with other nations. The Russian Federation is an example of largely harmonious coexistence by many dozens of nations and nationalities. But some nations find it impossible to live under the tutelage of another. Relations between nations living “under one roof” need to be handled with the utmost sensitivity.
After the collapse of communism, Russia reconciled itself to the “loss” of 14 former Soviet republics, which became states in their own right, even though some 25m Russians were left stranded in countries no longer their own. Some of those nations were un?able to treat their own minorities with the respect they deserved. Georgia immediately stripped its “autonomous regions” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia of their autonomy.
Can you imagine what it was like for the Abkhaz people to have their university in Sukhumi closed down by the Tbilisi government on the grounds that they allegedly had no proper language or history or culture and so did not need a university? The newly independent Georgia inflicted a vicious war on its minority nations, displacing thousands of people and sowing seeds of discontent that could only grow. These were tinderboxes, right on Russia's doorstep, which Russian peacekeepers strove to keep from igniting.
But the west, ignoring the delicacy of the situation, unwittingly (or wittingly) fed the hopes of the South Ossetians and Abkhazians for freedom. They clasped to their bosom a Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, whose first move was to crush the autonomy of another region, Adjaria, and made no secret of his intention to squash the Ossetians and Abkhazians.
Meanwhile, ignoring Russia's warnings, western countries rushed to recognise Kosovo's illegal declaration of independence from Serbia. We argued consistently that it would be impossible, after that, to tell the Abkhazians and Ossetians (and dozens of other groups around the world) that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them. In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.
Seeing the warning signs, we persistently tried to persuade the Georgians to sign an agreement on the non-use of force with the Ossetians and Abkhazians. Mr Saakashvili refused. On the night of August 7-8 we found out why.
Only a madman could have taken such a gamble. Did he believe Russia would stand idly by as he launched an all-out assault on the sleeping city of Tskhinvali, murdering hundreds of peaceful civilians, most of them Russian citizens? Did he believe Russia would stand by as his “peacekeeping” troops fired on Russian comrades with whom they were supposed to be preventing trouble in South Ossetia?
Russia had no option but to crush the attack to save lives. This was not a war of our choice. We have no designs on Georgian territory. Our troops entered Georgia to destroy bases from which the attack was launched and then left. We restored the peace but could not calm the fears and aspirations of the South Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples – not when Mr Saakashvili continued (with the complicity and encouragement of the US and some other Nato members) to talk of rearming his forces and reclaiming “Georgian territory”. The presidents of the two republics appealed to Russia to recognise their independence.
A heavy decision weighed on my shoulders. Taking into account the freely expressed views of the Ossetian and Abkhazian peoples, and based on the principles of the United Nations charter and other documents of international law, I signed a decree on the Russian Federation's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. I sincerely hope that the Georgian people, to whom we feel historic friendship and sympathy, will one day have leaders they deserve, who care about their country and who develop mutually respectful relations with all the peoples in the Caucasus. Russia is ready to support the achievement of such a goal.
（The writer is president of the Russian Federation）
原帖由 agora 于 2008-8-28 15:08 发表
并非世界上所有民族都拥有自己的国家地位。许多民族都快乐地生活在与其它民族共享的国境线之内。俄罗斯联邦就是一个例子：许多民族和国民和睦共存。但有些民族无法忍受在其他民族的监护下生活。处理生活在“同一屋檐下的”民族之间的关系，需要极度小心。
共产主义分崩离析之后，俄罗斯甘心接受了“失去”14个前苏联共和国的事实。这些共和国成为了独立国家，尽管有大约2500万俄罗斯人留在了不再属于自己的国家。其中有些国家在对待少数民族时不能给予他们应得的尊重。格鲁吉亚就立刻剥夺了阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯“自治区”的自治权。
先为俄罗斯开脱，说明俄国内各民族和睦相处，然后笔锋一转，指向格鲁吉亚。用笔还是有些功力的。:lol
原帖由 agora 于 2008-8-28 15:08 发表
我肩负着一个重大决定。考虑到奥塞梯和阿布哈兹人民自由表达的意愿，根据联合国宪章(UN charter)和其它国际法的基本准则，我签署了一项法令，俄罗斯联邦承认南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立。我们与格鲁吉亚人民的友谊历史悠久，对他们的遭遇深感同情。我真诚地希望格鲁吉亚人民有朝一日能拥有他们应得的领袖，一位关心他们的国家、与高加索地区所有人民发展互敬关系的领袖。俄罗斯将为实现这一目标提供支持。
最后一段也很不错，隐射萨卡什维利可以下台了。:lol :lol
扯什么呢？还是华丽的战吧
文章还是不错的,把理都给占了:D
原帖由 逍遥虫虫 于 2008-8-28 18:36 发表
文章还是不错的,把理都给占了:D
就是，看过后觉得梅是个挺讲道理的总统嘛:D