白左的旗舰报有点急了--纽约时报：欧洲不要为眼前困境而 ...

链接：http://pl.80sd.org/2014/05/26/53246_4.html


BERLIN — Europe at the centenary of the war that devoured it is voting in elections for the European Parliament that will no doubt reflect the anger, disillusionment and boredom of people inclined to cast their ballots for an array of protest parties, many from the xenophobic right, some from the pander-to-Putin left.

柏林——在那场摧毁欧洲的战争100周年之际，民众正在选举欧洲议会(European Parliament)。此时产生的欧洲议会，无疑会反映出倾向于把票投给一系列抗议政党的那些民众的愤怒、幻灭和厌倦之情。在那些抗议政党中，有许多来自排外的右翼，还有一部分来自迎合普京的左翼。

Political sentiment across the Continent has converged at a grumpy and small-minded nadir. There is anger about high unemployment. There is pessimism over the future. There is irritation at immigration. There is alienation from the European Union. What, the chorus goes, has Brussels ever done for me? The answer, of course, is that it has brought peace, removed borders and spread once unimaginable prosperity. But this achievement is no longer enough or no longer deemed relevant.

整个欧洲大陆的政治情绪已经汇集到了情绪焦躁、心胸狭窄的最低潮。这里面，有对高失业率的愤怒、有对未来的悲观、有对外来移民的恼火，还有对欧盟的疏远。人们齐声问道，布鲁塞尔何曾为我做过什么？答案当然是，它带来了和平、消除了边界，并让曾经无法想象的繁荣扩散开来。但这一成就不再令人满足，也不再被认为有何意义。

In some ways Europe’s mood resembles America’s. Focus has narrowed and solidarity atrophied. Europe, like America, does not want to die for anyone else. It has turned inward, wanting its own problems solved, and damn the Libyans and Syrians and Ukrainians and whoever else may be making demands through their plight.

在某些方面，欧洲的情绪与美国的类似。视野压缩了，团结松动了。像美国一样，欧洲如今不愿为了他人献身。它已经转向内部，想让自己的问题得到解决，还会怪罪利比亚、叙利亚、乌克兰以及任何可能正在通过其困境来提请帮助的其他国家。

Anyone who believes the spread of freedom, democracy and the rule of law matters is a “warmonger.” The sharing economy is in vogue because it affords a better deal on a car ride or a room. Sharing politics is not because it may involve sacrifice for faraway people with strange names.

任何相信自由、民主和法治的扩散颇为重要的人都是“战争贩子”。共享经济受欢迎，因为它提供了更好的出行或是居住条件。共享政治不受欢迎，因为它可能涉及为了远方的陌生人而作出牺牲。


So the National Front in France, and the U.K. Independence Party in Britain, and Jobbik in Hungary and Die Linke (the Left) in Germany — parties from right and left that have expressed varying degrees of admiration for President Vladimir Putin and his homophobic irredentism (Russian-speaking gays need not apply for admission to the imperium) — are all likely to benefit from a diffuse anger, in which anti-Americanism mingles with general spleen.

因此，法国的国民阵线(National Front)、大不列颠的英国独立党(U.K. Independence Party)、“为了更好的匈牙利运动”(Jobbik)，以及德国的左翼党(Die Linke)——从右翼到左翼，那些对俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)及其憎恶同性恋的民族统一主义（说俄语的同性恋者就不必寻求这种帝权的认可了）表示了不同程度赞赏的政党——都可能从蔓延开来的愤怒中获益。在这种情绪中，反美主义和普遍的愤怒交织在一起。

Never have the idea and the ideal of the 28-member European Union been so weakened, at least within its borders, to the point that several fringe parties take Putin’s Eurasian Union with its promise of good times in Belarus seriously. Just outside the Union it is a different story. Europe is magnetic still. The dissonance between the Union as perceived by many of its more than 500 million citizens, and the Union as it is idealized and ached for by millions on its fringes or in faraway lands, is complete.

至少在其境内，由28个成员组成的欧盟的理念和理想从未如此衰败，竟至沦落到几个边缘政党要认真考虑普京在白俄罗斯期许的会带来好日子的欧亚联盟的地步。但是，就在欧盟大门外，呈现的则是另一番景象。欧洲依然具有强大的吸引力。欧盟5亿多民众中的许多人所认为的那个欧盟，与处在外围或是遥远他乡的无数人所理想化和渴望的那个欧盟截然不同。

The European Parliament election coincides with a critical election Sunday in Ukraine, where Putin has created havoc by annexing Crimea, dispatching thugs to stir unrest in the eastern part of the country, and inventing a “fascist” threat in Kiev to conceal his own growing affinities with such politics (his beloved, much lamented Soviet Union of course allied with Nazi Germany in 1939 before Hitler tore up the pact in 1941; attraction to fascism is nothing new in Moscow).

欧洲议会选举和乌克兰周日举行的关键选举在时间上不谋而合。在乌克兰，普京制造了巨大的破坏：他吞并了克里米亚、派遣暴徒在该国东部搅起动乱，并且虚构了“法西斯主义者”对基辅构成的威胁，以掩盖他本人与类似政治活动之间日渐密切的联系（1939年，他挚爱而痛惜的苏联显然和德国纳粹结成了盟友，这种关系一直维系到1941年希特勒撕毁盟约才终止；在莫斯科，亲近法西斯主义也并不是什么新鲜事）。


On Kiev’s Independence Square, known as the Maidan, where Ukrainians died in numbers to escape the rule of an incompetent kleptomaniac backed by Putin, the European Union flag flies in several places. It is equally visible on surrounding streets. It is draped down the facade of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry. It stands for something important in Kiev, something that seems almost unimaginable to Europeans in the confusion of their bile: the glowing possibility of freedom and dignity and pluralism, the possibility of a normal life.

在基辅独立广场上，有大批乌克兰人为摆脱受普京支持的无能窃国贼的统治而献出了生命。广场上有好几处飘扬着欧盟的旗帜，周围的街道上同样能看见它们飞舞。乌克兰外交部大楼的正面也悬挂着一面欧盟旗帜。在基辅，它代表了某种重要的意义，而在愤懑不平、满心疑惑的欧洲人看来，这种意义简直难以想象：那就是追求自由、尊严和多元化的光彩夺目的可能性，追求正常生活的可能性。

“Europe is a promise of liberty,” said Nataliya Popovych, an activist in the Maidan movement. “As for Putin’s Eurasian Union, we have been in that cage before. Why would we go back? Through Maidan Ukrainians killed Homo Sovieticus in themselves. In Russia and some parts of the east of Ukraine, Homo Sovieticus is still alive.”

“欧洲代表着自由的希望，”独立广场运动中的活动人士娜塔莉亚·帕波维奇(Nataliya Popovych)说，“至于普京的欧亚联盟，我们以前一直待在那个囚笼里。为什么要回去？凭借独立广场运动，乌克兰人杀死了身体里的‘苏联人’。然而，在俄罗斯和乌克兰东部一些地区，‘苏联人’依然活着。”

It is not dead in Western Europe, either. As my colleague Andrew Higgins noted, Aymeric Chauprade, the National Front’s top European Parliament candidate for the Paris region, trooped off to Moscow last year to declare that, “Russia has become the hope of the world against new totalitarianism.” We live in a time when sentences need to be turned on their heads. The “new totalitarianism” is of course emanating from Moscow.

在欧洲西部，“苏联人”也没有销声匿迹。正如我的同事安德鲁·希金斯(Andrew Higgins)指出到的，角逐欧洲议会巴黎选区席位的级别最高的国民阵线候选人埃梅里克·肖布拉德(Aymeric Chauprade)曾在去年带队前往俄罗斯，宣称“俄罗斯已成为反对新极权主义的全球希望所在”。我们生活在一个必须反过来理解句子的时代，所谓的“新极权主义”显然源自莫斯科。

But Europe is suddenly full of what Germans now call the Putinversteher — literally someone who understands Putin, more loosely a Putin apologist. Europeans of different stripes see him standing up to America, incarnating “family values,” countering a loathed European Union, and just being tough. Germans in surprising numbers are discovering their inner sympathy for Russia, a complex emotion in which anti-Americanism, romanticism, guilt and gratitude for Moscow’s acceptance of unification all play a part. The old temptation in Germany to look eastward is not entirely overcome after all.

然而，欧洲突然充斥着被德国人如今称为“普京理解者”的人——从字面上看，是指理解普京的人，从更宽泛的意义上说，就是指普京的辩护者。这些形色各异的欧洲人认为，普京敢于直对美国、体现了“家庭价值观”、与令人讨厌的欧盟对抗，而且立场强硬。有规模惊人的德国人发现，他们内心同情俄罗斯。这是一种复杂的情绪，反美主义、浪漫主义、对俄罗斯接纳德国统一的内疚和感激各起了一部分作用。不管怎么说，在德国，朝东看的古老诱惑根本就没被彻底压制下去。

Europeans would do well to lift their gaze from the small world of their current anger toward those blue and gold flags fluttering on the Maidan, the better to recall what freedom means and with what sacrifice it has been attained.

欧洲人最好把注意力从他们目前满怀怒火的小世界里抽离出来，转到独立广场上飘扬的蓝金两色旗子上。如果他们能回忆起自由的意义，回忆起自己曾为之做出的牺牲的话，就更好了。
链接：http://pl.80sd.org/2014/05/26/53246_4.html


BERLIN — Europe at the centenary of the war that devoured it is voting in elections for the European Parliament that will no doubt reflect the anger, disillusionment and boredom of people inclined to cast their ballots for an array of protest parties, many from the xenophobic right, some from the pander-to-Putin left.

柏林——在那场摧毁欧洲的战争100周年之际，民众正在选举欧洲议会(European Parliament)。此时产生的欧洲议会，无疑会反映出倾向于把票投给一系列抗议政党的那些民众的愤怒、幻灭和厌倦之情。在那些抗议政党中，有许多来自排外的右翼，还有一部分来自迎合普京的左翼。

Political sentiment across the Continent has converged at a grumpy and small-minded nadir. There is anger about high unemployment. There is pessimism over the future. There is irritation at immigration. There is alienation from the European Union. What, the chorus goes, has Brussels ever done for me? The answer, of course, is that it has brought peace, removed borders and spread once unimaginable prosperity. But this achievement is no longer enough or no longer deemed relevant.

整个欧洲大陆的政治情绪已经汇集到了情绪焦躁、心胸狭窄的最低潮。这里面，有对高失业率的愤怒、有对未来的悲观、有对外来移民的恼火，还有对欧盟的疏远。人们齐声问道，布鲁塞尔何曾为我做过什么？答案当然是，它带来了和平、消除了边界，并让曾经无法想象的繁荣扩散开来。但这一成就不再令人满足，也不再被认为有何意义。

In some ways Europe’s mood resembles America’s. Focus has narrowed and solidarity atrophied. Europe, like America, does not want to die for anyone else. It has turned inward, wanting its own problems solved, and damn the Libyans and Syrians and Ukrainians and whoever else may be making demands through their plight.

在某些方面，欧洲的情绪与美国的类似。视野压缩了，团结松动了。像美国一样，欧洲如今不愿为了他人献身。它已经转向内部，想让自己的问题得到解决，还会怪罪利比亚、叙利亚、乌克兰以及任何可能正在通过其困境来提请帮助的其他国家。

Anyone who believes the spread of freedom, democracy and the rule of law matters is a “warmonger.” The sharing economy is in vogue because it affords a better deal on a car ride or a room. Sharing politics is not because it may involve sacrifice for faraway people with strange names.

任何相信自由、民主和法治的扩散颇为重要的人都是“战争贩子”。共享经济受欢迎，因为它提供了更好的出行或是居住条件。共享政治不受欢迎，因为它可能涉及为了远方的陌生人而作出牺牲。


So the National Front in France, and the U.K. Independence Party in Britain, and Jobbik in Hungary and Die Linke (the Left) in Germany — parties from right and left that have expressed varying degrees of admiration for President Vladimir Putin and his homophobic irredentism (Russian-speaking gays need not apply for admission to the imperium) — are all likely to benefit from a diffuse anger, in which anti-Americanism mingles with general spleen.

因此，法国的国民阵线(National Front)、大不列颠的英国独立党(U.K. Independence Party)、“为了更好的匈牙利运动”(Jobbik)，以及德国的左翼党(Die Linke)——从右翼到左翼，那些对俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)及其憎恶同性恋的民族统一主义（说俄语的同性恋者就不必寻求这种帝权的认可了）表示了不同程度赞赏的政党——都可能从蔓延开来的愤怒中获益。在这种情绪中，反美主义和普遍的愤怒交织在一起。

Never have the idea and the ideal of the 28-member European Union been so weakened, at least within its borders, to the point that several fringe parties take Putin’s Eurasian Union with its promise of good times in Belarus seriously. Just outside the Union it is a different story. Europe is magnetic still. The dissonance between the Union as perceived by many of its more than 500 million citizens, and the Union as it is idealized and ached for by millions on its fringes or in faraway lands, is complete.

至少在其境内，由28个成员组成的欧盟的理念和理想从未如此衰败，竟至沦落到几个边缘政党要认真考虑普京在白俄罗斯期许的会带来好日子的欧亚联盟的地步。但是，就在欧盟大门外，呈现的则是另一番景象。欧洲依然具有强大的吸引力。欧盟5亿多民众中的许多人所认为的那个欧盟，与处在外围或是遥远他乡的无数人所理想化和渴望的那个欧盟截然不同。

The European Parliament election coincides with a critical election Sunday in Ukraine, where Putin has created havoc by annexing Crimea, dispatching thugs to stir unrest in the eastern part of the country, and inventing a “fascist” threat in Kiev to conceal his own growing affinities with such politics (his beloved, much lamented Soviet Union of course allied with Nazi Germany in 1939 before Hitler tore up the pact in 1941; attraction to fascism is nothing new in Moscow).

欧洲议会选举和乌克兰周日举行的关键选举在时间上不谋而合。在乌克兰，普京制造了巨大的破坏：他吞并了克里米亚、派遣暴徒在该国东部搅起动乱，并且虚构了“法西斯主义者”对基辅构成的威胁，以掩盖他本人与类似政治活动之间日渐密切的联系（1939年，他挚爱而痛惜的苏联显然和德国纳粹结成了盟友，这种关系一直维系到1941年希特勒撕毁盟约才终止；在莫斯科，亲近法西斯主义也并不是什么新鲜事）。


On Kiev’s Independence Square, known as the Maidan, where Ukrainians died in numbers to escape the rule of an incompetent kleptomaniac backed by Putin, the European Union flag flies in several places. It is equally visible on surrounding streets. It is draped down the facade of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry. It stands for something important in Kiev, something that seems almost unimaginable to Europeans in the confusion of their bile: the glowing possibility of freedom and dignity and pluralism, the possibility of a normal life.

在基辅独立广场上，有大批乌克兰人为摆脱受普京支持的无能窃国贼的统治而献出了生命。广场上有好几处飘扬着欧盟的旗帜，周围的街道上同样能看见它们飞舞。乌克兰外交部大楼的正面也悬挂着一面欧盟旗帜。在基辅，它代表了某种重要的意义，而在愤懑不平、满心疑惑的欧洲人看来，这种意义简直难以想象：那就是追求自由、尊严和多元化的光彩夺目的可能性，追求正常生活的可能性。

“Europe is a promise of liberty,” said Nataliya Popovych, an activist in the Maidan movement. “As for Putin’s Eurasian Union, we have been in that cage before. Why would we go back? Through Maidan Ukrainians killed Homo Sovieticus in themselves. In Russia and some parts of the east of Ukraine, Homo Sovieticus is still alive.”

“欧洲代表着自由的希望，”独立广场运动中的活动人士娜塔莉亚·帕波维奇(Nataliya Popovych)说，“至于普京的欧亚联盟，我们以前一直待在那个囚笼里。为什么要回去？凭借独立广场运动，乌克兰人杀死了身体里的‘苏联人’。然而，在俄罗斯和乌克兰东部一些地区，‘苏联人’依然活着。”

It is not dead in Western Europe, either. As my colleague Andrew Higgins noted, Aymeric Chauprade, the National Front’s top European Parliament candidate for the Paris region, trooped off to Moscow last year to declare that, “Russia has become the hope of the world against new totalitarianism.” We live in a time when sentences need to be turned on their heads. The “new totalitarianism” is of course emanating from Moscow.

在欧洲西部，“苏联人”也没有销声匿迹。正如我的同事安德鲁·希金斯(Andrew Higgins)指出到的，角逐欧洲议会巴黎选区席位的级别最高的国民阵线候选人埃梅里克·肖布拉德(Aymeric Chauprade)曾在去年带队前往俄罗斯，宣称“俄罗斯已成为反对新极权主义的全球希望所在”。我们生活在一个必须反过来理解句子的时代，所谓的“新极权主义”显然源自莫斯科。

But Europe is suddenly full of what Germans now call the Putinversteher — literally someone who understands Putin, more loosely a Putin apologist. Europeans of different stripes see him standing up to America, incarnating “family values,” countering a loathed European Union, and just being tough. Germans in surprising numbers are discovering their inner sympathy for Russia, a complex emotion in which anti-Americanism, romanticism, guilt and gratitude for Moscow’s acceptance of unification all play a part. The old temptation in Germany to look eastward is not entirely overcome after all.

然而，欧洲突然充斥着被德国人如今称为“普京理解者”的人——从字面上看，是指理解普京的人，从更宽泛的意义上说，就是指普京的辩护者。这些形色各异的欧洲人认为，普京敢于直对美国、体现了“家庭价值观”、与令人讨厌的欧盟对抗，而且立场强硬。有规模惊人的德国人发现，他们内心同情俄罗斯。这是一种复杂的情绪，反美主义、浪漫主义、对俄罗斯接纳德国统一的内疚和感激各起了一部分作用。不管怎么说，在德国，朝东看的古老诱惑根本就没被彻底压制下去。

Europeans would do well to lift their gaze from the small world of their current anger toward those blue and gold flags fluttering on the Maidan, the better to recall what freedom means and with what sacrifice it has been attained.

欧洲人最好把注意力从他们目前满怀怒火的小世界里抽离出来，转到独立广场上飘扬的蓝金两色旗子上。如果他们能回忆起自由的意义，回忆起自己曾为之做出的牺牲的话，就更好了。