赫芬顿邮报:美国从未面对过像中国这样的力量

标题：America Has Never Faced a PowerLike China

美国从未面对过像中国这样的力量

来源：赫芬顿邮报

The article is an excerpt from a speechdelivered at the 2nd International Symposium on Security and Cooperation in theAsia-Pacific Region, hosted by the China Institute for International StrategicStudies in Beijing.


BEIJING -- There can be no doubt that the biggest question today aboutAsia's future order revolves around the relationships among three nations --the United States, China and Japan. If a solid and durablefoundation can be found for cooperative relations among the three powers,building a sustainable new order in Asia willnot be difficult. If rivalry among them escalates, it might become impossible.

这篇文章是关于安全和亚洲区域合作，中国国际战略研究所在北京举办的第二届国际研讨会发言摘录。

北京- 毫无疑问，今天亚洲未来秩序的最大问题是围绕着三个国家，-美国，中国和日本之间的关系。

一个坚实和持久的基础可以发现让三个大国之间建立合作，建立一个可持续的新秩序，在亚洲将不会很难。如果他们之间的竞争不断升级，也许这一切将变的不可能。


STATUS QUO VS. A NEWORDER
The differencesbetween their separate visions are not hard to see. Americawants to preserve the status quo in which its leading position remains thekeystone of the regional order, and the Chinese acceptance of U.S. leadershipis the basis of U.S.-China relationship. While it is willing to consult moreclosely with China on a widerange of issues as China'spower grows, it does not envisage any fundamental change in the nature of theirrelationship, or of China'srole in Asia, over the coming years.

Americans argue thatthis status quo has worked very well for Asia -- including for China -- formany years, and they believe that it remains the best basis for regionalstability in the future.

现状VS新秩序

他们之间的差异不难看出。作为基石，美国希望保留其在地区秩序的领导地位。而中国接受美国领导是美中关系的基本现状。虽然它愿意就更加广泛的问题进行更密切的磋商，以中国不断增长的实力，它没有设想他们之间的关系有任何根本的改变，或者是在未来几年，中国在亚洲的角色。

美国人认为，这种现状一直行之有效的在亚洲实施，包括中国。多年来他们认为它仍然是未来地区稳定的最佳基础。


China, onthe other hand, wants to change the status quo. President Xi Jinping has madethis quite clear in his repeated calls for a "new type of major-powerrelationship." By this, he does not just mean that he hopes the U.S. andChina can avoid the rivalry that throughout history has so often escalatedbetween rising and established powers.

He also means that to avoid escalatingrivalry, America and China shouldagree on a new basis for their relationship, different from the basis that wasagreed between Chairman Mao Zedong and former U.S. President Richard Nixon backin 1972. Clearly, China doesnot believe that Chinese deference to the U.S. leadership is any longer anacceptable basis for U.S.-China relations.

另外一方面，中国要改变现状。习近平已经讲的很清楚，他呼吁发展“新型的大国关系”。通过这一点，意味着，他希望美国和中国，能够避免整个历史上如此频繁的大国之间不断升级的竞争。

他还表示，为了避免竞争不断升级，美国和中国应该认可他们之间的关系，不同于1972年毛泽东主席和前美国总统理查德.尼克松之间商定的一个基本原则。

显然，中国不相信美国的领导力，中国尊重的不再是美中关系可以接受的基本原则。


From America'sside, there seems to be increasing concern that China'sreal aim is to push Americaout of Asia and establish its own version ofregional primacy. They point to China'sassertive diplomacy over regional maritime sovereignty questions as evidence ofChina'smalign intentions, and its willingness to use force to shape the regional orderin its favor.

From China'sside, there is an equal but opposite fear that America'sreal aim is to contain China'srise in order to preserve U.S.primacy. China points to U.S. President Barack Obama's "pivot toAsia," including its highly-publicized military elements designed tobolster U.S. combat power in Asia, as evidence of America's mala fideintentions and its willingness to use force to achieve them. These suspicionsclearly make it much harder for the two sides to contemplate seriousaccommodation with one another.


从美国自身来看，似乎有越来越多的关注是中国的真正目的是将美国赶出亚洲。建立自己的地区领导地位。他们指出，中国的外交自信证据表现在区域海洋主权的问题上，反映了中国“邪恶意图”，并愿意对地区使用武力来塑造对自己有利的秩序。

从中国自身来看，有一个相同但方向相反的恐惧，美国的真正目的是遏制中国的崛起，以维护美国的领导地位。中国指出美国总统奥巴马的“支点亚洲”，包括宣扬高度的军事因素旨在提振美国在亚洲的作战力量，作为美国的恶意意图证据，它愿意使用武力来实现这些目标。这些猜疑显然使双方打算与另外一方和解的难度更加的增大。


Many Americans seem still to underestimatejust how much China's wealthand power have grown, and how strong China's ambitions have become. Theydo not yet take China'schallenges to the status quo in Asiaseriously.


On April 30, London-based Financial Timeshad a front-page banner headline that read, "Chinato take over from U.S.as top economic power this year." The story beneath the headline reportedthe World Bank's latest comparative survey of the size of national economies in2011 based on their relative purchasing power.

It showed that on this measure, China's economy in 2011 was 87 percent the sizeof America's,and was trending to overtake it this year.

The word "historic" is oftenapplied rather freely, but this really is a historic moment. As the FinancialTimes noted, Americaovertook Britainto become the largest economy in the world in 1872. For almost 150 years U.S.economic preeminence has been the foundation and the source of American power,and the American power has done more than anything else to define a whole erain world history, and shape the world as we know it today.

很多美国人似乎仍然低估中国的财富和权力快速增长出现的中国强大的野心。他们还没有认真看到中国对亚洲现状的严重挑战。


4月30日，总部位于伦敦的金融时报有一篇头版社论，上面写着“今年中国将接管美国的顶级经济大国地位”。标题下面故事报道则是2011年根据世界银行最新的比较世界各国的经济规模调查。

结果表明，对于这一测算，中国经济在2011年为美国的87 %经济规模，按照这个趋势，将在今年取代美国。

“历史性”一次经常被广泛使用，但这次真的是一个历史性时刻。金融时报指出，美国在1872年超越英国成为世界上最大的经济体。近150年来美国的经济卓越地位一直是美国力量之源的基础，而美国的力量在世界历史上，塑造世界比任何时候都具有划时代的意义。

正如我们今天所知的。


It would be a profound mistake for America not tosee what this means. It does not mean that America is in decline. Nor does itmean that China willnecessarily replace Americaat the pinnacle of global power that it has occupied for so long: China will not"rule the world."

But it does mean that China today is a country that is fundamentallymore powerful than any that Americahas ever had to encounter before. It is also a country that has a strongersense of its place and status than any country in the world except perhaps America itself.

Both need to rid themselves of theassumption that the other cannot be a trusted partner in such a deal. There isno reason at all to assume that a mutual accommodation cannot be reachedbetween them. America willnot accept the establishment of Chinese primacy over Asia, but it might well bebrought to accept that it should share the leadership in Asia with China, thus according Chinafar more status and influence in Asia than ithas enjoyed for centuries.


美国不希望看到意味着这将是一个深刻的错误，这并不是说美国正在衰落。也不会认为中国一定会取代美国占据了这么久的全球权力巅峰。中国不会“统治世界”。

但它确实意味着今天中国这样一个国家，从根本上比美国之前遇到的任何国家都强大。它也是除去美国，在这个世界上比其他国家意识更为强烈的国家。

两者都需要摆脱这些假设，这样的交易不可能成为值得信赖的合作伙伴。我们没有理由假设他们之间不能达成互谅互让。美国不会接受中国在亚洲的领导地位的，但很有可能会接受与中国分享亚洲的领导权力，给予中国更多过去在亚洲几百年的影响力和地位。

As Japanconsiders how far it can rely on U.S.assurances of support for its position on the disputed islands, it is alsowondering how far it can continue to rely on the U.S.for Japan's overall securityas America's relative powerand influence in Asia decline.

Likewise as Americaconsiders how far it should go in supporting Japanin the East China Sea dispute, it is also thinking about the consequences forthe U.S.-Japan alliance, and for the whole U.S.position in Asia, of any failure to fulfillits alliance commitments.

The stakes therefore could hardly be higherfor all three countries, which is what makes the situation rather risky. And itsuggests that to reduce those risks, it will be necessary not just to reachsome agreement on the islands themselves, but to address the underlyingquestions about the roles of the U.S.,China and Japan in Asia'snew order.


日本认为它在很大程度上依靠美国对争议岛屿的立场支持，它也想知道这些支持有多大，日本作为美国相对实力和影响力在亚洲下降的整体安全考虑，它可以继续依赖美国。


同样，基于美日同盟关系，美国考虑它在中国东海的争端中支持日本应该走多远，以及美国在整个亚洲的立场，任何未能履行的联盟承诺所带来的这些后果都需要思考。


因此这三个国家之间的利害关系赌注不能再高了，这会使得情况相当危险。它表明，降低这些风险，不仅是岛屿协议本身的问题，而是解决美国，中国和日本在亚洲秩序的作用相关问题。

http://www.ptfcn.com/index.php?m ... atid=20&id=1313标题：America Has Never Faced a PowerLike China

美国从未面对过像中国这样的力量

来源：赫芬顿邮报

The article is an excerpt from a speechdelivered at the 2nd International Symposium on Security and Cooperation in theAsia-Pacific Region, hosted by the China Institute for International StrategicStudies in Beijing.


BEIJING -- There can be no doubt that the biggest question today aboutAsia's future order revolves around the relationships among three nations --the United States, China and Japan. If a solid and durablefoundation can be found for cooperative relations among the three powers,building a sustainable new order in Asia willnot be difficult. If rivalry among them escalates, it might become impossible.

这篇文章是关于安全和亚洲区域合作，中国国际战略研究所在北京举办的第二届国际研讨会发言摘录。

北京- 毫无疑问，今天亚洲未来秩序的最大问题是围绕着三个国家，-美国，中国和日本之间的关系。

一个坚实和持久的基础可以发现让三个大国之间建立合作，建立一个可持续的新秩序，在亚洲将不会很难。如果他们之间的竞争不断升级，也许这一切将变的不可能。


STATUS QUO VS. A NEWORDER
The differencesbetween their separate visions are not hard to see. Americawants to preserve the status quo in which its leading position remains thekeystone of the regional order, and the Chinese acceptance of U.S. leadershipis the basis of U.S.-China relationship. While it is willing to consult moreclosely with China on a widerange of issues as China'spower grows, it does not envisage any fundamental change in the nature of theirrelationship, or of China'srole in Asia, over the coming years.

Americans argue thatthis status quo has worked very well for Asia -- including for China -- formany years, and they believe that it remains the best basis for regionalstability in the future.

现状VS新秩序

他们之间的差异不难看出。作为基石，美国希望保留其在地区秩序的领导地位。而中国接受美国领导是美中关系的基本现状。虽然它愿意就更加广泛的问题进行更密切的磋商，以中国不断增长的实力，它没有设想他们之间的关系有任何根本的改变，或者是在未来几年，中国在亚洲的角色。

美国人认为，这种现状一直行之有效的在亚洲实施，包括中国。多年来他们认为它仍然是未来地区稳定的最佳基础。


China, onthe other hand, wants to change the status quo. President Xi Jinping has madethis quite clear in his repeated calls for a "new type of major-powerrelationship." By this, he does not just mean that he hopes the U.S. andChina can avoid the rivalry that throughout history has so often escalatedbetween rising and established powers.

He also means that to avoid escalatingrivalry, America and China shouldagree on a new basis for their relationship, different from the basis that wasagreed between Chairman Mao Zedong and former U.S. President Richard Nixon backin 1972. Clearly, China doesnot believe that Chinese deference to the U.S. leadership is any longer anacceptable basis for U.S.-China relations.

另外一方面，中国要改变现状。习近平已经讲的很清楚，他呼吁发展“新型的大国关系”。通过这一点，意味着，他希望美国和中国，能够避免整个历史上如此频繁的大国之间不断升级的竞争。

他还表示，为了避免竞争不断升级，美国和中国应该认可他们之间的关系，不同于1972年毛泽东主席和前美国总统理查德.尼克松之间商定的一个基本原则。

显然，中国不相信美国的领导力，中国尊重的不再是美中关系可以接受的基本原则。


From America'sside, there seems to be increasing concern that China'sreal aim is to push Americaout of Asia and establish its own version ofregional primacy. They point to China'sassertive diplomacy over regional maritime sovereignty questions as evidence ofChina'smalign intentions, and its willingness to use force to shape the regional orderin its favor.

From China'sside, there is an equal but opposite fear that America'sreal aim is to contain China'srise in order to preserve U.S.primacy. China points to U.S. President Barack Obama's "pivot toAsia," including its highly-publicized military elements designed tobolster U.S. combat power in Asia, as evidence of America's mala fideintentions and its willingness to use force to achieve them. These suspicionsclearly make it much harder for the two sides to contemplate seriousaccommodation with one another.


从美国自身来看，似乎有越来越多的关注是中国的真正目的是将美国赶出亚洲。建立自己的地区领导地位。他们指出，中国的外交自信证据表现在区域海洋主权的问题上，反映了中国“邪恶意图”，并愿意对地区使用武力来塑造对自己有利的秩序。

从中国自身来看，有一个相同但方向相反的恐惧，美国的真正目的是遏制中国的崛起，以维护美国的领导地位。中国指出美国总统奥巴马的“支点亚洲”，包括宣扬高度的军事因素旨在提振美国在亚洲的作战力量，作为美国的恶意意图证据，它愿意使用武力来实现这些目标。这些猜疑显然使双方打算与另外一方和解的难度更加的增大。


Many Americans seem still to underestimatejust how much China's wealthand power have grown, and how strong China's ambitions have become. Theydo not yet take China'schallenges to the status quo in Asiaseriously.


On April 30, London-based Financial Timeshad a front-page banner headline that read, "Chinato take over from U.S.as top economic power this year." The story beneath the headline reportedthe World Bank's latest comparative survey of the size of national economies in2011 based on their relative purchasing power.

It showed that on this measure, China's economy in 2011 was 87 percent the sizeof America's,and was trending to overtake it this year.

The word "historic" is oftenapplied rather freely, but this really is a historic moment. As the FinancialTimes noted, Americaovertook Britainto become the largest economy in the world in 1872. For almost 150 years U.S.economic preeminence has been the foundation and the source of American power,and the American power has done more than anything else to define a whole erain world history, and shape the world as we know it today.

很多美国人似乎仍然低估中国的财富和权力快速增长出现的中国强大的野心。他们还没有认真看到中国对亚洲现状的严重挑战。


4月30日，总部位于伦敦的金融时报有一篇头版社论，上面写着“今年中国将接管美国的顶级经济大国地位”。标题下面故事报道则是2011年根据世界银行最新的比较世界各国的经济规模调查。

结果表明，对于这一测算，中国经济在2011年为美国的87 %经济规模，按照这个趋势，将在今年取代美国。

“历史性”一次经常被广泛使用，但这次真的是一个历史性时刻。金融时报指出，美国在1872年超越英国成为世界上最大的经济体。近150年来美国的经济卓越地位一直是美国力量之源的基础，而美国的力量在世界历史上，塑造世界比任何时候都具有划时代的意义。

正如我们今天所知的。


It would be a profound mistake for America not tosee what this means. It does not mean that America is in decline. Nor does itmean that China willnecessarily replace Americaat the pinnacle of global power that it has occupied for so long: China will not"rule the world."

But it does mean that China today is a country that is fundamentallymore powerful than any that Americahas ever had to encounter before. It is also a country that has a strongersense of its place and status than any country in the world except perhaps America itself.

Both need to rid themselves of theassumption that the other cannot be a trusted partner in such a deal. There isno reason at all to assume that a mutual accommodation cannot be reachedbetween them. America willnot accept the establishment of Chinese primacy over Asia, but it might well bebrought to accept that it should share the leadership in Asia with China, thus according Chinafar more status and influence in Asia than ithas enjoyed for centuries.


美国不希望看到意味着这将是一个深刻的错误，这并不是说美国正在衰落。也不会认为中国一定会取代美国占据了这么久的全球权力巅峰。中国不会“统治世界”。

但它确实意味着今天中国这样一个国家，从根本上比美国之前遇到的任何国家都强大。它也是除去美国，在这个世界上比其他国家意识更为强烈的国家。

两者都需要摆脱这些假设，这样的交易不可能成为值得信赖的合作伙伴。我们没有理由假设他们之间不能达成互谅互让。美国不会接受中国在亚洲的领导地位的，但很有可能会接受与中国分享亚洲的领导权力，给予中国更多过去在亚洲几百年的影响力和地位。

As Japanconsiders how far it can rely on U.S.assurances of support for its position on the disputed islands, it is alsowondering how far it can continue to rely on the U.S.for Japan's overall securityas America's relative powerand influence in Asia decline.

Likewise as Americaconsiders how far it should go in supporting Japanin the East China Sea dispute, it is also thinking about the consequences forthe U.S.-Japan alliance, and for the whole U.S.position in Asia, of any failure to fulfillits alliance commitments.

The stakes therefore could hardly be higherfor all three countries, which is what makes the situation rather risky. And itsuggests that to reduce those risks, it will be necessary not just to reachsome agreement on the islands themselves, but to address the underlyingquestions about the roles of the U.S.,China and Japan in Asia'snew order.


日本认为它在很大程度上依靠美国对争议岛屿的立场支持，它也想知道这些支持有多大，日本作为美国相对实力和影响力在亚洲下降的整体安全考虑，它可以继续依赖美国。


同样，基于美日同盟关系，美国考虑它在中国东海的争端中支持日本应该走多远，以及美国在整个亚洲的立场，任何未能履行的联盟承诺所带来的这些后果都需要思考。


因此这三个国家之间的利害关系赌注不能再高了，这会使得情况相当危险。它表明，降低这些风险，不仅是岛屿协议本身的问题，而是解决美国，中国和日本在亚洲秩序的作用相关问题。

http://www.ptfcn.com/index.php?m ... atid=20&id=1313