超级军网美国社会的种族紧张关系隐藏于表面之下
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/05/02 23:48:32
The Racial Tensions Lurking Under the Surface of American Society
种族之间的紧张关系隐藏于美国社会的表面之下
Even as they quickly condemn the likes of Donald Sterling, surveys reveal whites have serious misgivings about a more diverse nation.
虽然Donald Sterling迅速被主流舆论谴责，调查显示，白人对美国的种族多元化趋势正变得越来越担忧。
Typically, April showers bring May flowers. This year, however, April also delivered a torrent of racially charged issues to the national stage. In Michigan, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ban on university-admissions programs that use race as a criterion in college admissions. Clippers owner Donald Sterling ignited a firestorm when a recording surfaced in which he asked his mixed-race girlfriend not to post photos of herself with black people on Instagram or bring black people to NBA games. Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy garnered support from Senator Rand Paul and other prominent conservatives in the wake of his standoff with the federal government over cattle grazing rights. But most supporters hurried to distance themselves from Bundy when he offered these stunning remarks at a news conference:
和往年一样，四月的细雨灌溉出五月的花海。但是今年的四月更在全美范围内带来了一系列的种族事件。美国最高法院支持了一项旨在阻止密歇根州在大学入学时用新生的种族作为一项入学标准的禁令。快船队的老板Donald Sterling因为自己的一段录音被曝光而卷入了舆论风暴，其内容为他对自己的混血女友说不要再把她和黑人的合影上传到网上，也不要明目张胆和黑人一起去看NBA比赛（此文说得很委婉， 真相请自行百度）。内华达州的一名农场主Cliven Bundy在和联邦政府关于放牧权的争执中一开始得到了参议院Rand Paul 及其他著名保守分子的支持，但他们很快在Buncy在记者发布会上发表了以下言论之后对他避之不及：
I want to tell you one more thing I know about the Negro …. They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy?
“关于那些黑鬼，我要多说两句，它们生下娃娃就遗弃掉，要不它们的小崽子生下来就只会往监狱里跑，我来告诉你们这是因为啥，因为它们没有一生下来就被送去摘棉花（南北战争前美国南方主要劳动力就是在棉田里被奴役的黑人）。所以我经常在想，他们是继续当奴隶，老老实实地组建个黑鬼家庭去摘棉花好呢，还是在这操蛋政府管辖下当自由黑鬼好？”
The nearly unanimous denunciations of both Sterling and Bundy makes clear that as nation, we have moved beyond the point where blatantly racist statements are publicly acceptable, easily explained away, and carry no real consequences.
对Sterling和Bundy几乎一面倒的谴责声音表明，美国已经不是以前那个可以在光天化日下说出种族言论，或者对不管什么种族言论都可以敷衍塞责，最终蒙混过关的国家了。
When did this happen? While cultural shifts are difficult to pin down, there is good evidence that the country reached a tipping point in attitudes about racism sometime in the mid-1990s. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention, the nation’s largest Protestant denomination and an anchor of southern culture, finally came around to offering a sober apology for its former defense of slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and racism at its 1995 annual meeting in Atlanta.
这是怎么发生的？在上世纪90年代中期有一个很好的例子证明，那时在文化融合的趋势下，对种族问题的态度的变化就到达了临界点。比如美南浸信会，南方最大的新教教派和文化团体1995年在它的亚特兰大年会上最终对其以往对奴隶制，种族隔离和歧视的态度进行了严肃的道歉。
Google’s Ngram viewer allows us to assess the relative usage frequency of the words “prejudice” and “racism” in American English books over time, revealing a confirming pattern. The frequency of the more generic word “prejudice” remains relatively stable from 1900 through 1970, when it begins to decline. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the more normative word “racism” did not appear until 1902, and its usage only begins to pick up in the mid-1960s just as major federal civil-rights legislation is passing. The term “racism” rises through the early 1970s, declines during the Reagan-era 1980s, but then rises sharply again in the 1990s. Most notably, the term “racism,” which relies both on the acknowledgment of racial bias and on a shared normative negative judgment, outpaces the term “prejudice”for the first time in the early 1990s and significantly exceeds it by the mid-1990s.
谷歌的全球书籍词频统计器让我们可以估算一下“prejudice”（偏见）和“racism”（种族歧视）这两个词在所有美国出版的英文图书中出现的频率，可以得出如下的图表。适用范围更广一点的“prejudice”这个词被使用的频率在1900到1970年之间是稳定的，直到1970年这个频率开始下降。根据牛津英文词典，词义更加确切的“racism”直到1902年才被发明出来，被广泛使用要等到六十年代中期，民权法案颁布之后，在二十世纪七十年代它出现的频率持续上升，而在里根的八十年代开始下降，又在九十年代迅速增长。尤其显著的是，“racism”这个明显带有负面意义的词的使用频率在九十年代初期超过了“prejudice”并在整个九十年代拉大了这个差距。
Well before the election of the first black president in 2008, the condemnation of direct and open expressions of racism had become a social norm. While the fading acceptability of openly racist attitudes is to be celebrated, it clearly does not mean that race no longer matters or that racial tensions and anxieties have disappeared. In her scathing dissent in the Michigan case, Justice Sonia Sotomayor chastised her colleagues for downplaying the continuing significance of race:
于是在2008年选出第一个黑人总统之前，对于公开的种族言论表示谴责就已经是一种常态了。虽然对于种族言论的容忍程度在降低这一点是可喜的，但这并不意味着种族差异，或者种族之间的冲突已经不存在了。美国高院大法官Sonia Sotomayor在对给予密歇根州的禁令表示强烈反对的同时，对她的同僚纵容这种给持续而明显的种族问题盖盖子的行为表示了这样的谴责：
Race matters…. This refusal to accept the stark reality that race matters is regrettable. The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to speak openly and candidly on the subject of race, and to apply the Constitution with eyes open to the unfortunate effects of centuries of racial discrimination.
“种族问题……拒绝接受种族问题仍然存在的残酷现实是令人遗憾的。可以从根本上终止种族歧视的方法唯有先公开，诚恳地讨论种族问题；然后以宪法为基准，审视这延续了几百年的种族歧视问题。”
For civil-rights activists, the challenge is that the open racism of the past may transmute into what Ta-Nehisi Coates describes as an “elegant racism” that is less visible and that “disguises itself in the national vocabulary, avoids epithets and didacticism,” For researchers, journalists, and policymakers, the new challenge is that this positive social norm may make the public less willing to speak openly and candidly about race, a problem social scientists call “social-desirability bias.”
对民权活动家来说，面对的挑战应该是过去公开的种族歧视可能正转变为像Ta-Nehisi Coates(黑人作家,大西洋月刊的编辑)所说的“隐性歧视”，它的形式是不易察觉的，而且在公众舆论中伪装成没有歧视性称呼和不公开声明自己目的的形式。对于研究者，记者和政策制定者来说，他们要面对的问题是在这种社会风气影响下，公众已经不喜欢公开而坦诚地谈论种族问题，社会科学研究者将这种问题称为“社会倾向偏差化”
Recent research reveals that social-desirability bias remains active in the measurement of white anxieties about the changing racial composition of the country. In early 2013, the Public Religion Research Institute team set up a controlled survey experiment designed to assess anxieties concerning the changing racial makeup of the country. First, we asked respondents to tell telephone interviewers whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement, “The idea of an America where most people are not white bothers me.” Among whites, 13 percent admitted to an interviewer that the idea of a majority-minority America bothers them. There was only modest variation among white subgroups, ranging from 10 percent of younger whites young than 50 years of age at the low end to 18 percent of white Republicans at the high end who said an America that is not mostly white concerns them.
最近的研究表明，在白人对这个国家的种族发生改变表示焦虑时，这种社会倾向偏差化便加剧了。在2013年初，公众宗教研究中心设置了一个实验，内容为社会种族组成对人的焦虑程度的影响，首先让受访者在电话中回答这样一个问题“你是否同意下面这个句子里的内容，如果美国大部分人不是白人， 你会感到困扰。”有13%的白人受访者直接对调查者表示这的确会对他们造成困扰，而把白人群体进一步划分后，对这句话表示赞同比例最低的是50岁以下的年轻白人，占其总数的10%，而比例最高的是18%的共和党人。
Next, we employed a technique called a list experiment, which is designed to allow respondents to indirectly express their views on sensitive subjects. We divided the survey respondents into two demographically identical groups and asked each group to tell us how many, but not which specific items from a list bothered them. One group was designated as a control group and received three control statements, while the other group was designated as a treatment group and received the same three control statements plus a fourth statement that read, “An America that is not mostly white.” Because the control and treatment groups were demographically identical, any variation in the average number of statements chosen between the groups is solely attributable to respondents in the treatment group picking the treatment statement. For any subgroup (but not for an individual), then, one can statistically estimate the proportion of respondents choosing the treatment statement by subtracting the mean number of statements chosen by the treatment group from the mean number of statements chosen by the control group. That number is presented in the chart below as the “indirect response.”
接下来我们使用另一种方法，叫做列表实验，旨在让受访者在这个敏感话题上可以不那么直接地表达出自己的观点。我们把受访者分成两个组，提问的问题不是某些特定的问题“是否”对自己造成困扰，而是其中符合这个条件的有“多少”项。其中一组被设为主实验组，给他们提供三个问题；另一组作为对照组，提供同样的三个问题，和接下来的第四个问题“如果美国不再是个白人为主的国家呢？”由于实验组和对照组的受访者的条件是基本相同的，这两组人得出给自己造成困扰的问题的数目的平均数的差异将完全不受他们个人条件的影响，接下来从统计学上来说，将对照组得到的平均数减去实验组的平均数，最终得到的就是在对照组中对这第四个问题感到困扰的人数，这个结果就是“间接答案”。
The indirect responses revealed significant social-desirability bias at work across all white subgroups and produced a much more dramatic spread in opinions among white respondents. Among white Americans overall, the indirect measure was nearly 20 percentage points higher than the direct measure (31 percent versus 13 percent). White non-born-again Christians and white non-southerners register the lowest indirect measures of concern, but even with these groups there is a double-digit social-desirability-bias effect at play. For example, while only 13 percent of whites outside the South say a majority-minority country bothers them, fully one-quarter register this opinion when the indirect measure is used.
这个间接的答案就可以明显显示出社会倾向偏差化在不同的白人人群中发挥的作用,其结果是戏剧性的.在所有美国白人中,对有色人种比例升高感到困扰的人的数字比直接询问得到的答案在总数上高了20%(分别为31%和13%)。在非降临派的基督教徒和美国南方以外的受访者里得到的数字是最低的，但即使在这些人里面，社会倾向偏差化仍然极大地起着作用，比如在非美国南方的人群里得到的直接答案只有13%，而间接答案是其两倍。
Notably, the racial anxiety differences between white Republicans and white Democrats are significant on the direct question, with white Republicans more likely than white Democrats to say a majority non-white country bothers them (18 percent versus 11 percent). But this apparent difference disappears with the indirect measure; when white Democrats are given the opportunity to register this opinion indirectly, those expressing concern over racial changes jumps from 11 percent to 33 percent, while white Republicans expressing concern rises from 18 percent to 30 percent.
在被直接问到这个问题时，共和党人和民主党人有显著的差别，在共和党人里对一个非白人主导的美国感到担忧的比例占到18%，而民主党是11%。但是这个明显的差异在间接回答这个问题时消失了，在有机会不直接表达对这个问题的担忧时，民主党白人给出的数字从11%上升到了33%，与此同时共和党白人只从18%上升到了30%。
White born-again Protestants and white southerners, two overlapping groups, register both the highest indirect measures of anxiety about racial changes in the country and the strongest social-desirability-bias effect. When asked by a telephone interviewer directly about whether an America that is not mostly white bothers them, only 15 percent of white born-again Protestants are willing to agree. But that number climbs a stunning 35 percentage points when the question is posed indirectly. Similarly, the difference between the direct and indirect question among white southerners is 26 percentage points, 16 percent when asked directly but 42 percent when asked indirectly.
白人降临派基督教徒和南方人这两个有很大重叠的群体在这个测试中给出了最高的数字，并体现出了最强的社会倾向偏差化。当在电话中被问及是否对美国不再是由白人占多数的国家感到担忧时，只有15%的降临派基督教徒表示肯定，但当间接回答这个问题时这个数字迅速攀升了35%（到了50%）；而在美国南方人中关于直接和间接回答这个问题得到的答案之间的差异高达26%，分别是16%的直接答案和42%的间接答案。
The core of Sotomayor’s dissent was that even after significant civil-rights legislation has passed, the Southern Baptist denomination has apologized, and the nation has elected a black president, race still matters. The data suggest we are still living in a liminal time, when outright racism is nearly universally condemned but when white Americans still carry significant unspoken anxiety and negative feelings about the shifting racial balance in the country.
Sotomayor大法官对高院提出异议的核心在于，即使在民权法案通过这么多年，美南教会对自己的罪行表示道歉，甚至这个国家选出了一个黑人总统以后，种族差异仍然存在。数据显示美国仍然处在一个临界点上，即使表面上明显的种族歧视几乎被全社会一致谴责，美国的白人仍然在自身人口比例不断下降的趋势下，潜藏着对有色人种的明显的负面感情。
评论翻译:
原创翻译：龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com 翻译：Utne 转载请注明出处
论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-296696-1-1.htmlArcite • a month ago
The balance therefore is shifting to an eventual multiracial majority, a bit of everything.
这个平衡最终将被打破,美国的一切都会变成多元化.
Faith Science Arcite • a month ago
The most segregated cities are :
Milwaukee
New York
Chicago
Detroit
Cleveland
Buffalo
St Louis
Cincinatti
Philadelphia
Los Angeles
美国种族冲突最严重的十个城市, 并贴出一个链接:
http://www.salon.com/2011/03/29/ ... ities/slide_show/9/
Fair Dinkum Arcite • a month ago
Will someone please explain why whites shouldn't feel anxious about becoming a minority in a country where they were once the dominant political, cultural and demographic majority? How can that possibly be a good thing for us?
Whites are the only people who are seriously expected not to care about race. Clearly something has gone horribly wrong with our society and culture.
有人能告诉我为毛我们白人不能对自己正在变成少数民族感到担忧么? 白人明明曾在文化上,政治上都曾占绝对优势,怎么现在这种趋势对我们来说还是好事不成?
只有白人是唯一一个被要求不要强调自己种族的种族,如果是这样的话,我看大美国药丸.
Steve • a month ago
Have any of you ever set foot outside the United States? The US is far and away the global leader when it comes to racial sensitivity. Virtually everywhere else on earth (with the exception of a handful of European countries, Canada, etc) blatant racism is the norm. Countries like China and Japan are racist in ways we can barely fathom.
Racism -- xenophobia more gernally -- is the default condition of humanity. Every human being is to some extent racist, not least "enlightened" liberals (there is nothing more dangerous than thinking yourself pure in these matters). It takes tremendous effort to overcome this "original sin", and the United States has done far more of the heavy lifting than any other culture. There is still a long, long way to go, however I'm as sick and tired of left-wingers vilifying America as I am sick and tired of right-wingers pretending there's no problem in the first place.
你们这帮人有出过国的么?当美国深陷种族泥潭的时候,她就已经不再是领导世界的美国了.事实上几乎整个世界(除了欧洲的寥寥几个国家)都明目张胆地在种族歧视,中国和日本这样的国家特为尤甚。
种族歧视其实是人类基因里的本性，种族主义，或者说仇外总体来说是人类的共性。每个人在某种程度上都是种族主义者，至少不都是天生的理想主义者（尤其是动动嘴皮子就可以的自由主义者）。要克服这个人类的原罪实在太困难了，而美国在这方面要担负的重担更大，还有一个很长，很长的路要走，我厌倦了左翼人士因此指责美国而且我更讨厌右翼分子在那里放嘴炮说压根没有种族问题。
http://www.ltaaa.com/wtfy/13367.htmlThe Racial Tensions Lurking Under the Surface of American Society
种族之间的紧张关系隐藏于美国社会的表面之下
Even as they quickly condemn the likes of Donald Sterling, surveys reveal whites have serious misgivings about a more diverse nation.
虽然Donald Sterling迅速被主流舆论谴责，调查显示，白人对美国的种族多元化趋势正变得越来越担忧。
Typically, April showers bring May flowers. This year, however, April also delivered a torrent of racially charged issues to the national stage. In Michigan, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ban on university-admissions programs that use race as a criterion in college admissions. Clippers owner Donald Sterling ignited a firestorm when a recording surfaced in which he asked his mixed-race girlfriend not to post photos of herself with black people on Instagram or bring black people to NBA games. Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy garnered support from Senator Rand Paul and other prominent conservatives in the wake of his standoff with the federal government over cattle grazing rights. But most supporters hurried to distance themselves from Bundy when he offered these stunning remarks at a news conference:
和往年一样，四月的细雨灌溉出五月的花海。但是今年的四月更在全美范围内带来了一系列的种族事件。美国最高法院支持了一项旨在阻止密歇根州在大学入学时用新生的种族作为一项入学标准的禁令。快船队的老板Donald Sterling因为自己的一段录音被曝光而卷入了舆论风暴，其内容为他对自己的混血女友说不要再把她和黑人的合影上传到网上，也不要明目张胆和黑人一起去看NBA比赛（此文说得很委婉， 真相请自行百度）。内华达州的一名农场主Cliven Bundy在和联邦政府关于放牧权的争执中一开始得到了参议院Rand Paul 及其他著名保守分子的支持，但他们很快在Buncy在记者发布会上发表了以下言论之后对他避之不及：
I want to tell you one more thing I know about the Negro …. They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy?
“关于那些黑鬼，我要多说两句，它们生下娃娃就遗弃掉，要不它们的小崽子生下来就只会往监狱里跑，我来告诉你们这是因为啥，因为它们没有一生下来就被送去摘棉花（南北战争前美国南方主要劳动力就是在棉田里被奴役的黑人）。所以我经常在想，他们是继续当奴隶，老老实实地组建个黑鬼家庭去摘棉花好呢，还是在这操蛋政府管辖下当自由黑鬼好？”
The nearly unanimous denunciations of both Sterling and Bundy makes clear that as nation, we have moved beyond the point where blatantly racist statements are publicly acceptable, easily explained away, and carry no real consequences.
对Sterling和Bundy几乎一面倒的谴责声音表明，美国已经不是以前那个可以在光天化日下说出种族言论，或者对不管什么种族言论都可以敷衍塞责，最终蒙混过关的国家了。
When did this happen? While cultural shifts are difficult to pin down, there is good evidence that the country reached a tipping point in attitudes about racism sometime in the mid-1990s. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention, the nation’s largest Protestant denomination and an anchor of southern culture, finally came around to offering a sober apology for its former defense of slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and racism at its 1995 annual meeting in Atlanta.
这是怎么发生的？在上世纪90年代中期有一个很好的例子证明，那时在文化融合的趋势下，对种族问题的态度的变化就到达了临界点。比如美南浸信会，南方最大的新教教派和文化团体1995年在它的亚特兰大年会上最终对其以往对奴隶制，种族隔离和歧视的态度进行了严肃的道歉。
Google’s Ngram viewer allows us to assess the relative usage frequency of the words “prejudice” and “racism” in American English books over time, revealing a confirming pattern. The frequency of the more generic word “prejudice” remains relatively stable from 1900 through 1970, when it begins to decline. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the more normative word “racism” did not appear until 1902, and its usage only begins to pick up in the mid-1960s just as major federal civil-rights legislation is passing. The term “racism” rises through the early 1970s, declines during the Reagan-era 1980s, but then rises sharply again in the 1990s. Most notably, the term “racism,” which relies both on the acknowledgment of racial bias and on a shared normative negative judgment, outpaces the term “prejudice”for the first time in the early 1990s and significantly exceeds it by the mid-1990s.
谷歌的全球书籍词频统计器让我们可以估算一下“prejudice”（偏见）和“racism”（种族歧视）这两个词在所有美国出版的英文图书中出现的频率，可以得出如下的图表。适用范围更广一点的“prejudice”这个词被使用的频率在1900到1970年之间是稳定的，直到1970年这个频率开始下降。根据牛津英文词典，词义更加确切的“racism”直到1902年才被发明出来，被广泛使用要等到六十年代中期，民权法案颁布之后，在二十世纪七十年代它出现的频率持续上升，而在里根的八十年代开始下降，又在九十年代迅速增长。尤其显著的是，“racism”这个明显带有负面意义的词的使用频率在九十年代初期超过了“prejudice”并在整个九十年代拉大了这个差距。
Well before the election of the first black president in 2008, the condemnation of direct and open expressions of racism had become a social norm. While the fading acceptability of openly racist attitudes is to be celebrated, it clearly does not mean that race no longer matters or that racial tensions and anxieties have disappeared. In her scathing dissent in the Michigan case, Justice Sonia Sotomayor chastised her colleagues for downplaying the continuing significance of race:
于是在2008年选出第一个黑人总统之前，对于公开的种族言论表示谴责就已经是一种常态了。虽然对于种族言论的容忍程度在降低这一点是可喜的，但这并不意味着种族差异，或者种族之间的冲突已经不存在了。美国高院大法官Sonia Sotomayor在对给予密歇根州的禁令表示强烈反对的同时，对她的同僚纵容这种给持续而明显的种族问题盖盖子的行为表示了这样的谴责：
Race matters…. This refusal to accept the stark reality that race matters is regrettable. The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to speak openly and candidly on the subject of race, and to apply the Constitution with eyes open to the unfortunate effects of centuries of racial discrimination.
“种族问题……拒绝接受种族问题仍然存在的残酷现实是令人遗憾的。可以从根本上终止种族歧视的方法唯有先公开，诚恳地讨论种族问题；然后以宪法为基准，审视这延续了几百年的种族歧视问题。”
For civil-rights activists, the challenge is that the open racism of the past may transmute into what Ta-Nehisi Coates describes as an “elegant racism” that is less visible and that “disguises itself in the national vocabulary, avoids epithets and didacticism,” For researchers, journalists, and policymakers, the new challenge is that this positive social norm may make the public less willing to speak openly and candidly about race, a problem social scientists call “social-desirability bias.”
对民权活动家来说，面对的挑战应该是过去公开的种族歧视可能正转变为像Ta-Nehisi Coates(黑人作家,大西洋月刊的编辑)所说的“隐性歧视”，它的形式是不易察觉的，而且在公众舆论中伪装成没有歧视性称呼和不公开声明自己目的的形式。对于研究者，记者和政策制定者来说，他们要面对的问题是在这种社会风气影响下，公众已经不喜欢公开而坦诚地谈论种族问题，社会科学研究者将这种问题称为“社会倾向偏差化”
Recent research reveals that social-desirability bias remains active in the measurement of white anxieties about the changing racial composition of the country. In early 2013, the Public Religion Research Institute team set up a controlled survey experiment designed to assess anxieties concerning the changing racial makeup of the country. First, we asked respondents to tell telephone interviewers whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement, “The idea of an America where most people are not white bothers me.” Among whites, 13 percent admitted to an interviewer that the idea of a majority-minority America bothers them. There was only modest variation among white subgroups, ranging from 10 percent of younger whites young than 50 years of age at the low end to 18 percent of white Republicans at the high end who said an America that is not mostly white concerns them.
最近的研究表明，在白人对这个国家的种族发生改变表示焦虑时，这种社会倾向偏差化便加剧了。在2013年初，公众宗教研究中心设置了一个实验，内容为社会种族组成对人的焦虑程度的影响，首先让受访者在电话中回答这样一个问题“你是否同意下面这个句子里的内容，如果美国大部分人不是白人， 你会感到困扰。”有13%的白人受访者直接对调查者表示这的确会对他们造成困扰，而把白人群体进一步划分后，对这句话表示赞同比例最低的是50岁以下的年轻白人，占其总数的10%，而比例最高的是18%的共和党人。
Next, we employed a technique called a list experiment, which is designed to allow respondents to indirectly express their views on sensitive subjects. We divided the survey respondents into two demographically identical groups and asked each group to tell us how many, but not which specific items from a list bothered them. One group was designated as a control group and received three control statements, while the other group was designated as a treatment group and received the same three control statements plus a fourth statement that read, “An America that is not mostly white.” Because the control and treatment groups were demographically identical, any variation in the average number of statements chosen between the groups is solely attributable to respondents in the treatment group picking the treatment statement. For any subgroup (but not for an individual), then, one can statistically estimate the proportion of respondents choosing the treatment statement by subtracting the mean number of statements chosen by the treatment group from the mean number of statements chosen by the control group. That number is presented in the chart below as the “indirect response.”
接下来我们使用另一种方法，叫做列表实验，旨在让受访者在这个敏感话题上可以不那么直接地表达出自己的观点。我们把受访者分成两个组，提问的问题不是某些特定的问题“是否”对自己造成困扰，而是其中符合这个条件的有“多少”项。其中一组被设为主实验组，给他们提供三个问题；另一组作为对照组，提供同样的三个问题，和接下来的第四个问题“如果美国不再是个白人为主的国家呢？”由于实验组和对照组的受访者的条件是基本相同的，这两组人得出给自己造成困扰的问题的数目的平均数的差异将完全不受他们个人条件的影响，接下来从统计学上来说，将对照组得到的平均数减去实验组的平均数，最终得到的就是在对照组中对这第四个问题感到困扰的人数，这个结果就是“间接答案”。
The indirect responses revealed significant social-desirability bias at work across all white subgroups and produced a much more dramatic spread in opinions among white respondents. Among white Americans overall, the indirect measure was nearly 20 percentage points higher than the direct measure (31 percent versus 13 percent). White non-born-again Christians and white non-southerners register the lowest indirect measures of concern, but even with these groups there is a double-digit social-desirability-bias effect at play. For example, while only 13 percent of whites outside the South say a majority-minority country bothers them, fully one-quarter register this opinion when the indirect measure is used.
这个间接的答案就可以明显显示出社会倾向偏差化在不同的白人人群中发挥的作用,其结果是戏剧性的.在所有美国白人中,对有色人种比例升高感到困扰的人的数字比直接询问得到的答案在总数上高了20%(分别为31%和13%)。在非降临派的基督教徒和美国南方以外的受访者里得到的数字是最低的，但即使在这些人里面，社会倾向偏差化仍然极大地起着作用，比如在非美国南方的人群里得到的直接答案只有13%，而间接答案是其两倍。
Notably, the racial anxiety differences between white Republicans and white Democrats are significant on the direct question, with white Republicans more likely than white Democrats to say a majority non-white country bothers them (18 percent versus 11 percent). But this apparent difference disappears with the indirect measure; when white Democrats are given the opportunity to register this opinion indirectly, those expressing concern over racial changes jumps from 11 percent to 33 percent, while white Republicans expressing concern rises from 18 percent to 30 percent.
在被直接问到这个问题时，共和党人和民主党人有显著的差别，在共和党人里对一个非白人主导的美国感到担忧的比例占到18%，而民主党是11%。但是这个明显的差异在间接回答这个问题时消失了，在有机会不直接表达对这个问题的担忧时，民主党白人给出的数字从11%上升到了33%，与此同时共和党白人只从18%上升到了30%。
White born-again Protestants and white southerners, two overlapping groups, register both the highest indirect measures of anxiety about racial changes in the country and the strongest social-desirability-bias effect. When asked by a telephone interviewer directly about whether an America that is not mostly white bothers them, only 15 percent of white born-again Protestants are willing to agree. But that number climbs a stunning 35 percentage points when the question is posed indirectly. Similarly, the difference between the direct and indirect question among white southerners is 26 percentage points, 16 percent when asked directly but 42 percent when asked indirectly.
白人降临派基督教徒和南方人这两个有很大重叠的群体在这个测试中给出了最高的数字，并体现出了最强的社会倾向偏差化。当在电话中被问及是否对美国不再是由白人占多数的国家感到担忧时，只有15%的降临派基督教徒表示肯定，但当间接回答这个问题时这个数字迅速攀升了35%（到了50%）；而在美国南方人中关于直接和间接回答这个问题得到的答案之间的差异高达26%，分别是16%的直接答案和42%的间接答案。
The core of Sotomayor’s dissent was that even after significant civil-rights legislation has passed, the Southern Baptist denomination has apologized, and the nation has elected a black president, race still matters. The data suggest we are still living in a liminal time, when outright racism is nearly universally condemned but when white Americans still carry significant unspoken anxiety and negative feelings about the shifting racial balance in the country.
Sotomayor大法官对高院提出异议的核心在于，即使在民权法案通过这么多年，美南教会对自己的罪行表示道歉，甚至这个国家选出了一个黑人总统以后，种族差异仍然存在。数据显示美国仍然处在一个临界点上，即使表面上明显的种族歧视几乎被全社会一致谴责，美国的白人仍然在自身人口比例不断下降的趋势下，潜藏着对有色人种的明显的负面感情。
评论翻译:
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论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-296696-1-1.htmlArcite • a month ago
The balance therefore is shifting to an eventual multiracial majority, a bit of everything.
这个平衡最终将被打破,美国的一切都会变成多元化.
Faith Science Arcite • a month ago
The most segregated cities are :
Milwaukee
New York
Chicago
Detroit
Cleveland
Buffalo
St Louis
Cincinatti
Philadelphia
Los Angeles
美国种族冲突最严重的十个城市, 并贴出一个链接:
http://www.salon.com/2011/03/29/ ... ities/slide_show/9/
Fair Dinkum Arcite • a month ago
Will someone please explain why whites shouldn't feel anxious about becoming a minority in a country where they were once the dominant political, cultural and demographic majority? How can that possibly be a good thing for us?
Whites are the only people who are seriously expected not to care about race. Clearly something has gone horribly wrong with our society and culture.
有人能告诉我为毛我们白人不能对自己正在变成少数民族感到担忧么? 白人明明曾在文化上,政治上都曾占绝对优势,怎么现在这种趋势对我们来说还是好事不成?
只有白人是唯一一个被要求不要强调自己种族的种族,如果是这样的话,我看大美国药丸.
Steve • a month ago
Have any of you ever set foot outside the United States? The US is far and away the global leader when it comes to racial sensitivity. Virtually everywhere else on earth (with the exception of a handful of European countries, Canada, etc) blatant racism is the norm. Countries like China and Japan are racist in ways we can barely fathom.
Racism -- xenophobia more gernally -- is the default condition of humanity. Every human being is to some extent racist, not least "enlightened" liberals (there is nothing more dangerous than thinking yourself pure in these matters). It takes tremendous effort to overcome this "original sin", and the United States has done far more of the heavy lifting than any other culture. There is still a long, long way to go, however I'm as sick and tired of left-wingers vilifying America as I am sick and tired of right-wingers pretending there's no problem in the first place.
你们这帮人有出过国的么?当美国深陷种族泥潭的时候,她就已经不再是领导世界的美国了.事实上几乎整个世界(除了欧洲的寥寥几个国家)都明目张胆地在种族歧视,中国和日本这样的国家特为尤甚。
种族歧视其实是人类基因里的本性，种族主义，或者说仇外总体来说是人类的共性。每个人在某种程度上都是种族主义者，至少不都是天生的理想主义者（尤其是动动嘴皮子就可以的自由主义者）。要克服这个人类的原罪实在太困难了，而美国在这方面要担负的重担更大，还有一个很长，很长的路要走，我厌倦了左翼人士因此指责美国而且我更讨厌右翼分子在那里放嘴炮说压根没有种族问题。
http://www.ltaaa.com/wtfy/13367.html
种族之间的紧张关系隐藏于美国社会的表面之下
Even as they quickly condemn the likes of Donald Sterling, surveys reveal whites have serious misgivings about a more diverse nation.
虽然Donald Sterling迅速被主流舆论谴责，调查显示，白人对美国的种族多元化趋势正变得越来越担忧。
Typically, April showers bring May flowers. This year, however, April also delivered a torrent of racially charged issues to the national stage. In Michigan, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ban on university-admissions programs that use race as a criterion in college admissions. Clippers owner Donald Sterling ignited a firestorm when a recording surfaced in which he asked his mixed-race girlfriend not to post photos of herself with black people on Instagram or bring black people to NBA games. Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy garnered support from Senator Rand Paul and other prominent conservatives in the wake of his standoff with the federal government over cattle grazing rights. But most supporters hurried to distance themselves from Bundy when he offered these stunning remarks at a news conference:
和往年一样，四月的细雨灌溉出五月的花海。但是今年的四月更在全美范围内带来了一系列的种族事件。美国最高法院支持了一项旨在阻止密歇根州在大学入学时用新生的种族作为一项入学标准的禁令。快船队的老板Donald Sterling因为自己的一段录音被曝光而卷入了舆论风暴，其内容为他对自己的混血女友说不要再把她和黑人的合影上传到网上，也不要明目张胆和黑人一起去看NBA比赛（此文说得很委婉， 真相请自行百度）。内华达州的一名农场主Cliven Bundy在和联邦政府关于放牧权的争执中一开始得到了参议院Rand Paul 及其他著名保守分子的支持，但他们很快在Buncy在记者发布会上发表了以下言论之后对他避之不及：
I want to tell you one more thing I know about the Negro …. They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy?
“关于那些黑鬼，我要多说两句，它们生下娃娃就遗弃掉，要不它们的小崽子生下来就只会往监狱里跑，我来告诉你们这是因为啥，因为它们没有一生下来就被送去摘棉花（南北战争前美国南方主要劳动力就是在棉田里被奴役的黑人）。所以我经常在想，他们是继续当奴隶，老老实实地组建个黑鬼家庭去摘棉花好呢，还是在这操蛋政府管辖下当自由黑鬼好？”
The nearly unanimous denunciations of both Sterling and Bundy makes clear that as nation, we have moved beyond the point where blatantly racist statements are publicly acceptable, easily explained away, and carry no real consequences.
对Sterling和Bundy几乎一面倒的谴责声音表明，美国已经不是以前那个可以在光天化日下说出种族言论，或者对不管什么种族言论都可以敷衍塞责，最终蒙混过关的国家了。
When did this happen? While cultural shifts are difficult to pin down, there is good evidence that the country reached a tipping point in attitudes about racism sometime in the mid-1990s. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention, the nation’s largest Protestant denomination and an anchor of southern culture, finally came around to offering a sober apology for its former defense of slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and racism at its 1995 annual meeting in Atlanta.
这是怎么发生的？在上世纪90年代中期有一个很好的例子证明，那时在文化融合的趋势下，对种族问题的态度的变化就到达了临界点。比如美南浸信会，南方最大的新教教派和文化团体1995年在它的亚特兰大年会上最终对其以往对奴隶制，种族隔离和歧视的态度进行了严肃的道歉。
Google’s Ngram viewer allows us to assess the relative usage frequency of the words “prejudice” and “racism” in American English books over time, revealing a confirming pattern. The frequency of the more generic word “prejudice” remains relatively stable from 1900 through 1970, when it begins to decline. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the more normative word “racism” did not appear until 1902, and its usage only begins to pick up in the mid-1960s just as major federal civil-rights legislation is passing. The term “racism” rises through the early 1970s, declines during the Reagan-era 1980s, but then rises sharply again in the 1990s. Most notably, the term “racism,” which relies both on the acknowledgment of racial bias and on a shared normative negative judgment, outpaces the term “prejudice”for the first time in the early 1990s and significantly exceeds it by the mid-1990s.
谷歌的全球书籍词频统计器让我们可以估算一下“prejudice”（偏见）和“racism”（种族歧视）这两个词在所有美国出版的英文图书中出现的频率，可以得出如下的图表。适用范围更广一点的“prejudice”这个词被使用的频率在1900到1970年之间是稳定的，直到1970年这个频率开始下降。根据牛津英文词典，词义更加确切的“racism”直到1902年才被发明出来，被广泛使用要等到六十年代中期，民权法案颁布之后，在二十世纪七十年代它出现的频率持续上升，而在里根的八十年代开始下降，又在九十年代迅速增长。尤其显著的是，“racism”这个明显带有负面意义的词的使用频率在九十年代初期超过了“prejudice”并在整个九十年代拉大了这个差距。
Well before the election of the first black president in 2008, the condemnation of direct and open expressions of racism had become a social norm. While the fading acceptability of openly racist attitudes is to be celebrated, it clearly does not mean that race no longer matters or that racial tensions and anxieties have disappeared. In her scathing dissent in the Michigan case, Justice Sonia Sotomayor chastised her colleagues for downplaying the continuing significance of race:
于是在2008年选出第一个黑人总统之前，对于公开的种族言论表示谴责就已经是一种常态了。虽然对于种族言论的容忍程度在降低这一点是可喜的，但这并不意味着种族差异，或者种族之间的冲突已经不存在了。美国高院大法官Sonia Sotomayor在对给予密歇根州的禁令表示强烈反对的同时，对她的同僚纵容这种给持续而明显的种族问题盖盖子的行为表示了这样的谴责：
Race matters…. This refusal to accept the stark reality that race matters is regrettable. The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to speak openly and candidly on the subject of race, and to apply the Constitution with eyes open to the unfortunate effects of centuries of racial discrimination.
“种族问题……拒绝接受种族问题仍然存在的残酷现实是令人遗憾的。可以从根本上终止种族歧视的方法唯有先公开，诚恳地讨论种族问题；然后以宪法为基准，审视这延续了几百年的种族歧视问题。”
For civil-rights activists, the challenge is that the open racism of the past may transmute into what Ta-Nehisi Coates describes as an “elegant racism” that is less visible and that “disguises itself in the national vocabulary, avoids epithets and didacticism,” For researchers, journalists, and policymakers, the new challenge is that this positive social norm may make the public less willing to speak openly and candidly about race, a problem social scientists call “social-desirability bias.”
对民权活动家来说，面对的挑战应该是过去公开的种族歧视可能正转变为像Ta-Nehisi Coates(黑人作家,大西洋月刊的编辑)所说的“隐性歧视”，它的形式是不易察觉的，而且在公众舆论中伪装成没有歧视性称呼和不公开声明自己目的的形式。对于研究者，记者和政策制定者来说，他们要面对的问题是在这种社会风气影响下，公众已经不喜欢公开而坦诚地谈论种族问题，社会科学研究者将这种问题称为“社会倾向偏差化”
Recent research reveals that social-desirability bias remains active in the measurement of white anxieties about the changing racial composition of the country. In early 2013, the Public Religion Research Institute team set up a controlled survey experiment designed to assess anxieties concerning the changing racial makeup of the country. First, we asked respondents to tell telephone interviewers whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement, “The idea of an America where most people are not white bothers me.” Among whites, 13 percent admitted to an interviewer that the idea of a majority-minority America bothers them. There was only modest variation among white subgroups, ranging from 10 percent of younger whites young than 50 years of age at the low end to 18 percent of white Republicans at the high end who said an America that is not mostly white concerns them.
最近的研究表明，在白人对这个国家的种族发生改变表示焦虑时，这种社会倾向偏差化便加剧了。在2013年初，公众宗教研究中心设置了一个实验，内容为社会种族组成对人的焦虑程度的影响，首先让受访者在电话中回答这样一个问题“你是否同意下面这个句子里的内容，如果美国大部分人不是白人， 你会感到困扰。”有13%的白人受访者直接对调查者表示这的确会对他们造成困扰，而把白人群体进一步划分后，对这句话表示赞同比例最低的是50岁以下的年轻白人，占其总数的10%，而比例最高的是18%的共和党人。
Next, we employed a technique called a list experiment, which is designed to allow respondents to indirectly express their views on sensitive subjects. We divided the survey respondents into two demographically identical groups and asked each group to tell us how many, but not which specific items from a list bothered them. One group was designated as a control group and received three control statements, while the other group was designated as a treatment group and received the same three control statements plus a fourth statement that read, “An America that is not mostly white.” Because the control and treatment groups were demographically identical, any variation in the average number of statements chosen between the groups is solely attributable to respondents in the treatment group picking the treatment statement. For any subgroup (but not for an individual), then, one can statistically estimate the proportion of respondents choosing the treatment statement by subtracting the mean number of statements chosen by the treatment group from the mean number of statements chosen by the control group. That number is presented in the chart below as the “indirect response.”
接下来我们使用另一种方法，叫做列表实验，旨在让受访者在这个敏感话题上可以不那么直接地表达出自己的观点。我们把受访者分成两个组，提问的问题不是某些特定的问题“是否”对自己造成困扰，而是其中符合这个条件的有“多少”项。其中一组被设为主实验组，给他们提供三个问题；另一组作为对照组，提供同样的三个问题，和接下来的第四个问题“如果美国不再是个白人为主的国家呢？”由于实验组和对照组的受访者的条件是基本相同的，这两组人得出给自己造成困扰的问题的数目的平均数的差异将完全不受他们个人条件的影响，接下来从统计学上来说，将对照组得到的平均数减去实验组的平均数，最终得到的就是在对照组中对这第四个问题感到困扰的人数，这个结果就是“间接答案”。
The indirect responses revealed significant social-desirability bias at work across all white subgroups and produced a much more dramatic spread in opinions among white respondents. Among white Americans overall, the indirect measure was nearly 20 percentage points higher than the direct measure (31 percent versus 13 percent). White non-born-again Christians and white non-southerners register the lowest indirect measures of concern, but even with these groups there is a double-digit social-desirability-bias effect at play. For example, while only 13 percent of whites outside the South say a majority-minority country bothers them, fully one-quarter register this opinion when the indirect measure is used.
这个间接的答案就可以明显显示出社会倾向偏差化在不同的白人人群中发挥的作用,其结果是戏剧性的.在所有美国白人中,对有色人种比例升高感到困扰的人的数字比直接询问得到的答案在总数上高了20%(分别为31%和13%)。在非降临派的基督教徒和美国南方以外的受访者里得到的数字是最低的，但即使在这些人里面，社会倾向偏差化仍然极大地起着作用，比如在非美国南方的人群里得到的直接答案只有13%，而间接答案是其两倍。
Notably, the racial anxiety differences between white Republicans and white Democrats are significant on the direct question, with white Republicans more likely than white Democrats to say a majority non-white country bothers them (18 percent versus 11 percent). But this apparent difference disappears with the indirect measure; when white Democrats are given the opportunity to register this opinion indirectly, those expressing concern over racial changes jumps from 11 percent to 33 percent, while white Republicans expressing concern rises from 18 percent to 30 percent.
在被直接问到这个问题时，共和党人和民主党人有显著的差别，在共和党人里对一个非白人主导的美国感到担忧的比例占到18%，而民主党是11%。但是这个明显的差异在间接回答这个问题时消失了，在有机会不直接表达对这个问题的担忧时，民主党白人给出的数字从11%上升到了33%，与此同时共和党白人只从18%上升到了30%。
White born-again Protestants and white southerners, two overlapping groups, register both the highest indirect measures of anxiety about racial changes in the country and the strongest social-desirability-bias effect. When asked by a telephone interviewer directly about whether an America that is not mostly white bothers them, only 15 percent of white born-again Protestants are willing to agree. But that number climbs a stunning 35 percentage points when the question is posed indirectly. Similarly, the difference between the direct and indirect question among white southerners is 26 percentage points, 16 percent when asked directly but 42 percent when asked indirectly.
白人降临派基督教徒和南方人这两个有很大重叠的群体在这个测试中给出了最高的数字，并体现出了最强的社会倾向偏差化。当在电话中被问及是否对美国不再是由白人占多数的国家感到担忧时，只有15%的降临派基督教徒表示肯定，但当间接回答这个问题时这个数字迅速攀升了35%（到了50%）；而在美国南方人中关于直接和间接回答这个问题得到的答案之间的差异高达26%，分别是16%的直接答案和42%的间接答案。
The core of Sotomayor’s dissent was that even after significant civil-rights legislation has passed, the Southern Baptist denomination has apologized, and the nation has elected a black president, race still matters. The data suggest we are still living in a liminal time, when outright racism is nearly universally condemned but when white Americans still carry significant unspoken anxiety and negative feelings about the shifting racial balance in the country.
Sotomayor大法官对高院提出异议的核心在于，即使在民权法案通过这么多年，美南教会对自己的罪行表示道歉，甚至这个国家选出了一个黑人总统以后，种族差异仍然存在。数据显示美国仍然处在一个临界点上，即使表面上明显的种族歧视几乎被全社会一致谴责，美国的白人仍然在自身人口比例不断下降的趋势下，潜藏着对有色人种的明显的负面感情。
评论翻译:
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论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-296696-1-1.htmlArcite • a month ago
The balance therefore is shifting to an eventual multiracial majority, a bit of everything.
这个平衡最终将被打破,美国的一切都会变成多元化.
Faith Science Arcite • a month ago
The most segregated cities are :
Milwaukee
New York
Chicago
Detroit
Cleveland
Buffalo
St Louis
Cincinatti
Philadelphia
Los Angeles
美国种族冲突最严重的十个城市, 并贴出一个链接:
http://www.salon.com/2011/03/29/ ... ities/slide_show/9/
Fair Dinkum Arcite • a month ago
Will someone please explain why whites shouldn't feel anxious about becoming a minority in a country where they were once the dominant political, cultural and demographic majority? How can that possibly be a good thing for us?
Whites are the only people who are seriously expected not to care about race. Clearly something has gone horribly wrong with our society and culture.
有人能告诉我为毛我们白人不能对自己正在变成少数民族感到担忧么? 白人明明曾在文化上,政治上都曾占绝对优势,怎么现在这种趋势对我们来说还是好事不成?
只有白人是唯一一个被要求不要强调自己种族的种族,如果是这样的话,我看大美国药丸.
Steve • a month ago
Have any of you ever set foot outside the United States? The US is far and away the global leader when it comes to racial sensitivity. Virtually everywhere else on earth (with the exception of a handful of European countries, Canada, etc) blatant racism is the norm. Countries like China and Japan are racist in ways we can barely fathom.
Racism -- xenophobia more gernally -- is the default condition of humanity. Every human being is to some extent racist, not least "enlightened" liberals (there is nothing more dangerous than thinking yourself pure in these matters). It takes tremendous effort to overcome this "original sin", and the United States has done far more of the heavy lifting than any other culture. There is still a long, long way to go, however I'm as sick and tired of left-wingers vilifying America as I am sick and tired of right-wingers pretending there's no problem in the first place.
你们这帮人有出过国的么?当美国深陷种族泥潭的时候,她就已经不再是领导世界的美国了.事实上几乎整个世界(除了欧洲的寥寥几个国家)都明目张胆地在种族歧视,中国和日本这样的国家特为尤甚。
种族歧视其实是人类基因里的本性，种族主义，或者说仇外总体来说是人类的共性。每个人在某种程度上都是种族主义者，至少不都是天生的理想主义者（尤其是动动嘴皮子就可以的自由主义者）。要克服这个人类的原罪实在太困难了，而美国在这方面要担负的重担更大，还有一个很长，很长的路要走，我厌倦了左翼人士因此指责美国而且我更讨厌右翼分子在那里放嘴炮说压根没有种族问题。
http://www.ltaaa.com/wtfy/13367.htmlThe Racial Tensions Lurking Under the Surface of American Society
种族之间的紧张关系隐藏于美国社会的表面之下
Even as they quickly condemn the likes of Donald Sterling, surveys reveal whites have serious misgivings about a more diverse nation.
虽然Donald Sterling迅速被主流舆论谴责，调查显示，白人对美国的种族多元化趋势正变得越来越担忧。
Typically, April showers bring May flowers. This year, however, April also delivered a torrent of racially charged issues to the national stage. In Michigan, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ban on university-admissions programs that use race as a criterion in college admissions. Clippers owner Donald Sterling ignited a firestorm when a recording surfaced in which he asked his mixed-race girlfriend not to post photos of herself with black people on Instagram or bring black people to NBA games. Nevada rancher Cliven Bundy garnered support from Senator Rand Paul and other prominent conservatives in the wake of his standoff with the federal government over cattle grazing rights. But most supporters hurried to distance themselves from Bundy when he offered these stunning remarks at a news conference:
和往年一样，四月的细雨灌溉出五月的花海。但是今年的四月更在全美范围内带来了一系列的种族事件。美国最高法院支持了一项旨在阻止密歇根州在大学入学时用新生的种族作为一项入学标准的禁令。快船队的老板Donald Sterling因为自己的一段录音被曝光而卷入了舆论风暴，其内容为他对自己的混血女友说不要再把她和黑人的合影上传到网上，也不要明目张胆和黑人一起去看NBA比赛（此文说得很委婉， 真相请自行百度）。内华达州的一名农场主Cliven Bundy在和联邦政府关于放牧权的争执中一开始得到了参议院Rand Paul 及其他著名保守分子的支持，但他们很快在Buncy在记者发布会上发表了以下言论之后对他避之不及：
I want to tell you one more thing I know about the Negro …. They abort their young children, they put their young men in jail, because they never learned how to pick cotton. And I’ve often wondered, are they better off as slaves, picking cotton and having a family life and doing things, or are they better off under government subsidy?
“关于那些黑鬼，我要多说两句，它们生下娃娃就遗弃掉，要不它们的小崽子生下来就只会往监狱里跑，我来告诉你们这是因为啥，因为它们没有一生下来就被送去摘棉花（南北战争前美国南方主要劳动力就是在棉田里被奴役的黑人）。所以我经常在想，他们是继续当奴隶，老老实实地组建个黑鬼家庭去摘棉花好呢，还是在这操蛋政府管辖下当自由黑鬼好？”
The nearly unanimous denunciations of both Sterling and Bundy makes clear that as nation, we have moved beyond the point where blatantly racist statements are publicly acceptable, easily explained away, and carry no real consequences.
对Sterling和Bundy几乎一面倒的谴责声音表明，美国已经不是以前那个可以在光天化日下说出种族言论，或者对不管什么种族言论都可以敷衍塞责，最终蒙混过关的国家了。
When did this happen? While cultural shifts are difficult to pin down, there is good evidence that the country reached a tipping point in attitudes about racism sometime in the mid-1990s. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention, the nation’s largest Protestant denomination and an anchor of southern culture, finally came around to offering a sober apology for its former defense of slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and racism at its 1995 annual meeting in Atlanta.
这是怎么发生的？在上世纪90年代中期有一个很好的例子证明，那时在文化融合的趋势下，对种族问题的态度的变化就到达了临界点。比如美南浸信会，南方最大的新教教派和文化团体1995年在它的亚特兰大年会上最终对其以往对奴隶制，种族隔离和歧视的态度进行了严肃的道歉。
Google’s Ngram viewer allows us to assess the relative usage frequency of the words “prejudice” and “racism” in American English books over time, revealing a confirming pattern. The frequency of the more generic word “prejudice” remains relatively stable from 1900 through 1970, when it begins to decline. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the more normative word “racism” did not appear until 1902, and its usage only begins to pick up in the mid-1960s just as major federal civil-rights legislation is passing. The term “racism” rises through the early 1970s, declines during the Reagan-era 1980s, but then rises sharply again in the 1990s. Most notably, the term “racism,” which relies both on the acknowledgment of racial bias and on a shared normative negative judgment, outpaces the term “prejudice”for the first time in the early 1990s and significantly exceeds it by the mid-1990s.
谷歌的全球书籍词频统计器让我们可以估算一下“prejudice”（偏见）和“racism”（种族歧视）这两个词在所有美国出版的英文图书中出现的频率，可以得出如下的图表。适用范围更广一点的“prejudice”这个词被使用的频率在1900到1970年之间是稳定的，直到1970年这个频率开始下降。根据牛津英文词典，词义更加确切的“racism”直到1902年才被发明出来，被广泛使用要等到六十年代中期，民权法案颁布之后，在二十世纪七十年代它出现的频率持续上升，而在里根的八十年代开始下降，又在九十年代迅速增长。尤其显著的是，“racism”这个明显带有负面意义的词的使用频率在九十年代初期超过了“prejudice”并在整个九十年代拉大了这个差距。
Well before the election of the first black president in 2008, the condemnation of direct and open expressions of racism had become a social norm. While the fading acceptability of openly racist attitudes is to be celebrated, it clearly does not mean that race no longer matters or that racial tensions and anxieties have disappeared. In her scathing dissent in the Michigan case, Justice Sonia Sotomayor chastised her colleagues for downplaying the continuing significance of race:
于是在2008年选出第一个黑人总统之前，对于公开的种族言论表示谴责就已经是一种常态了。虽然对于种族言论的容忍程度在降低这一点是可喜的，但这并不意味着种族差异，或者种族之间的冲突已经不存在了。美国高院大法官Sonia Sotomayor在对给予密歇根州的禁令表示强烈反对的同时，对她的同僚纵容这种给持续而明显的种族问题盖盖子的行为表示了这样的谴责：
Race matters…. This refusal to accept the stark reality that race matters is regrettable. The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to speak openly and candidly on the subject of race, and to apply the Constitution with eyes open to the unfortunate effects of centuries of racial discrimination.
“种族问题……拒绝接受种族问题仍然存在的残酷现实是令人遗憾的。可以从根本上终止种族歧视的方法唯有先公开，诚恳地讨论种族问题；然后以宪法为基准，审视这延续了几百年的种族歧视问题。”
For civil-rights activists, the challenge is that the open racism of the past may transmute into what Ta-Nehisi Coates describes as an “elegant racism” that is less visible and that “disguises itself in the national vocabulary, avoids epithets and didacticism,” For researchers, journalists, and policymakers, the new challenge is that this positive social norm may make the public less willing to speak openly and candidly about race, a problem social scientists call “social-desirability bias.”
对民权活动家来说，面对的挑战应该是过去公开的种族歧视可能正转变为像Ta-Nehisi Coates(黑人作家,大西洋月刊的编辑)所说的“隐性歧视”，它的形式是不易察觉的，而且在公众舆论中伪装成没有歧视性称呼和不公开声明自己目的的形式。对于研究者，记者和政策制定者来说，他们要面对的问题是在这种社会风气影响下，公众已经不喜欢公开而坦诚地谈论种族问题，社会科学研究者将这种问题称为“社会倾向偏差化”
Recent research reveals that social-desirability bias remains active in the measurement of white anxieties about the changing racial composition of the country. In early 2013, the Public Religion Research Institute team set up a controlled survey experiment designed to assess anxieties concerning the changing racial makeup of the country. First, we asked respondents to tell telephone interviewers whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement, “The idea of an America where most people are not white bothers me.” Among whites, 13 percent admitted to an interviewer that the idea of a majority-minority America bothers them. There was only modest variation among white subgroups, ranging from 10 percent of younger whites young than 50 years of age at the low end to 18 percent of white Republicans at the high end who said an America that is not mostly white concerns them.
最近的研究表明，在白人对这个国家的种族发生改变表示焦虑时，这种社会倾向偏差化便加剧了。在2013年初，公众宗教研究中心设置了一个实验，内容为社会种族组成对人的焦虑程度的影响，首先让受访者在电话中回答这样一个问题“你是否同意下面这个句子里的内容，如果美国大部分人不是白人， 你会感到困扰。”有13%的白人受访者直接对调查者表示这的确会对他们造成困扰，而把白人群体进一步划分后，对这句话表示赞同比例最低的是50岁以下的年轻白人，占其总数的10%，而比例最高的是18%的共和党人。
Next, we employed a technique called a list experiment, which is designed to allow respondents to indirectly express their views on sensitive subjects. We divided the survey respondents into two demographically identical groups and asked each group to tell us how many, but not which specific items from a list bothered them. One group was designated as a control group and received three control statements, while the other group was designated as a treatment group and received the same three control statements plus a fourth statement that read, “An America that is not mostly white.” Because the control and treatment groups were demographically identical, any variation in the average number of statements chosen between the groups is solely attributable to respondents in the treatment group picking the treatment statement. For any subgroup (but not for an individual), then, one can statistically estimate the proportion of respondents choosing the treatment statement by subtracting the mean number of statements chosen by the treatment group from the mean number of statements chosen by the control group. That number is presented in the chart below as the “indirect response.”
接下来我们使用另一种方法，叫做列表实验，旨在让受访者在这个敏感话题上可以不那么直接地表达出自己的观点。我们把受访者分成两个组，提问的问题不是某些特定的问题“是否”对自己造成困扰，而是其中符合这个条件的有“多少”项。其中一组被设为主实验组，给他们提供三个问题；另一组作为对照组，提供同样的三个问题，和接下来的第四个问题“如果美国不再是个白人为主的国家呢？”由于实验组和对照组的受访者的条件是基本相同的，这两组人得出给自己造成困扰的问题的数目的平均数的差异将完全不受他们个人条件的影响，接下来从统计学上来说，将对照组得到的平均数减去实验组的平均数，最终得到的就是在对照组中对这第四个问题感到困扰的人数，这个结果就是“间接答案”。
The indirect responses revealed significant social-desirability bias at work across all white subgroups and produced a much more dramatic spread in opinions among white respondents. Among white Americans overall, the indirect measure was nearly 20 percentage points higher than the direct measure (31 percent versus 13 percent). White non-born-again Christians and white non-southerners register the lowest indirect measures of concern, but even with these groups there is a double-digit social-desirability-bias effect at play. For example, while only 13 percent of whites outside the South say a majority-minority country bothers them, fully one-quarter register this opinion when the indirect measure is used.
这个间接的答案就可以明显显示出社会倾向偏差化在不同的白人人群中发挥的作用,其结果是戏剧性的.在所有美国白人中,对有色人种比例升高感到困扰的人的数字比直接询问得到的答案在总数上高了20%(分别为31%和13%)。在非降临派的基督教徒和美国南方以外的受访者里得到的数字是最低的，但即使在这些人里面，社会倾向偏差化仍然极大地起着作用，比如在非美国南方的人群里得到的直接答案只有13%，而间接答案是其两倍。
Notably, the racial anxiety differences between white Republicans and white Democrats are significant on the direct question, with white Republicans more likely than white Democrats to say a majority non-white country bothers them (18 percent versus 11 percent). But this apparent difference disappears with the indirect measure; when white Democrats are given the opportunity to register this opinion indirectly, those expressing concern over racial changes jumps from 11 percent to 33 percent, while white Republicans expressing concern rises from 18 percent to 30 percent.
在被直接问到这个问题时，共和党人和民主党人有显著的差别，在共和党人里对一个非白人主导的美国感到担忧的比例占到18%，而民主党是11%。但是这个明显的差异在间接回答这个问题时消失了，在有机会不直接表达对这个问题的担忧时，民主党白人给出的数字从11%上升到了33%，与此同时共和党白人只从18%上升到了30%。
White born-again Protestants and white southerners, two overlapping groups, register both the highest indirect measures of anxiety about racial changes in the country and the strongest social-desirability-bias effect. When asked by a telephone interviewer directly about whether an America that is not mostly white bothers them, only 15 percent of white born-again Protestants are willing to agree. But that number climbs a stunning 35 percentage points when the question is posed indirectly. Similarly, the difference between the direct and indirect question among white southerners is 26 percentage points, 16 percent when asked directly but 42 percent when asked indirectly.
白人降临派基督教徒和南方人这两个有很大重叠的群体在这个测试中给出了最高的数字，并体现出了最强的社会倾向偏差化。当在电话中被问及是否对美国不再是由白人占多数的国家感到担忧时，只有15%的降临派基督教徒表示肯定，但当间接回答这个问题时这个数字迅速攀升了35%（到了50%）；而在美国南方人中关于直接和间接回答这个问题得到的答案之间的差异高达26%，分别是16%的直接答案和42%的间接答案。
The core of Sotomayor’s dissent was that even after significant civil-rights legislation has passed, the Southern Baptist denomination has apologized, and the nation has elected a black president, race still matters. The data suggest we are still living in a liminal time, when outright racism is nearly universally condemned but when white Americans still carry significant unspoken anxiety and negative feelings about the shifting racial balance in the country.
Sotomayor大法官对高院提出异议的核心在于，即使在民权法案通过这么多年，美南教会对自己的罪行表示道歉，甚至这个国家选出了一个黑人总统以后，种族差异仍然存在。数据显示美国仍然处在一个临界点上，即使表面上明显的种族歧视几乎被全社会一致谴责，美国的白人仍然在自身人口比例不断下降的趋势下，潜藏着对有色人种的明显的负面感情。
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论坛地址：http://www.ltaaa.com/bbs/thread-296696-1-1.htmlArcite • a month ago
The balance therefore is shifting to an eventual multiracial majority, a bit of everything.
这个平衡最终将被打破,美国的一切都会变成多元化.
Faith Science Arcite • a month ago
The most segregated cities are :
Milwaukee
New York
Chicago
Detroit
Cleveland
Buffalo
St Louis
Cincinatti
Philadelphia
Los Angeles
美国种族冲突最严重的十个城市, 并贴出一个链接:
http://www.salon.com/2011/03/29/ ... ities/slide_show/9/
Fair Dinkum Arcite • a month ago
Will someone please explain why whites shouldn't feel anxious about becoming a minority in a country where they were once the dominant political, cultural and demographic majority? How can that possibly be a good thing for us?
Whites are the only people who are seriously expected not to care about race. Clearly something has gone horribly wrong with our society and culture.
有人能告诉我为毛我们白人不能对自己正在变成少数民族感到担忧么? 白人明明曾在文化上,政治上都曾占绝对优势,怎么现在这种趋势对我们来说还是好事不成?
只有白人是唯一一个被要求不要强调自己种族的种族,如果是这样的话,我看大美国药丸.
Steve • a month ago
Have any of you ever set foot outside the United States? The US is far and away the global leader when it comes to racial sensitivity. Virtually everywhere else on earth (with the exception of a handful of European countries, Canada, etc) blatant racism is the norm. Countries like China and Japan are racist in ways we can barely fathom.
Racism -- xenophobia more gernally -- is the default condition of humanity. Every human being is to some extent racist, not least "enlightened" liberals (there is nothing more dangerous than thinking yourself pure in these matters). It takes tremendous effort to overcome this "original sin", and the United States has done far more of the heavy lifting than any other culture. There is still a long, long way to go, however I'm as sick and tired of left-wingers vilifying America as I am sick and tired of right-wingers pretending there's no problem in the first place.
你们这帮人有出过国的么?当美国深陷种族泥潭的时候,她就已经不再是领导世界的美国了.事实上几乎整个世界(除了欧洲的寥寥几个国家)都明目张胆地在种族歧视,中国和日本这样的国家特为尤甚。
种族歧视其实是人类基因里的本性，种族主义，或者说仇外总体来说是人类的共性。每个人在某种程度上都是种族主义者，至少不都是天生的理想主义者（尤其是动动嘴皮子就可以的自由主义者）。要克服这个人类的原罪实在太困难了，而美国在这方面要担负的重担更大，还有一个很长，很长的路要走，我厌倦了左翼人士因此指责美国而且我更讨厌右翼分子在那里放嘴炮说压根没有种族问题。
http://www.ltaaa.com/wtfy/13367.html
这就是某些人脑补出来的美妙的多元文化
每个人都是天生的种族主义者，因为我们都是种族主义者的后代，种族主义是基因里的烙印
Donald Sterling 说实话被迫害，这就是种族岐视