超级军网香港多个团体举行行游声援斯诺登 最多时达900人
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/30 01:58:35
http://news.163.com/photoview/00 ... #p=91GLKH9O00AN0001
原标题：香港多个团体举行行游声援斯诺登
国际在线消息(记者 姜鲲)：15日，香港多个团体联合发起声援美国中情局前雇员斯诺登的行游。
当天的行游是由香港20多个团体联合发起的，人数最多时达到了900人。行游队伍从中环遮打花园开始，终点是美国驻港总领事馆。行游队伍一路高喊中英文口号，要求美国政府放弃追究斯诺登，同时批评美国入侵计算机网络，要求美方尽快澄清事件，停止监控行为。行游队伍里有不少外国人参加，他们认为斯诺登披露机密，是为了重大公众利益，不应将他引渡返美国。行游队伍在抵达美国驻港总领事馆之后，要求递交请愿信，领事馆派出一名领事接信。
据悉，斯诺登现在还在香港，但是关于他具体的藏身位置还是一个迷。关于是否应该将他引渡回美国，香港社会各界的意见也不统一。
http://china.huanqiu.com/roll/2013-06/4030867.html
http://news.163.com/photoview/00 ... #p=91GLKH9O00AN0001
原标题：香港多个团体举行行游声援斯诺登
国际在线消息(记者 姜鲲)：15日，香港多个团体联合发起声援美国中情局前雇员斯诺登的行游。
当天的行游是由香港20多个团体联合发起的，人数最多时达到了900人。行游队伍从中环遮打花园开始，终点是美国驻港总领事馆。行游队伍一路高喊中英文口号，要求美国政府放弃追究斯诺登，同时批评美国入侵计算机网络，要求美方尽快澄清事件，停止监控行为。行游队伍里有不少外国人参加，他们认为斯诺登披露机密，是为了重大公众利益，不应将他引渡返美国。行游队伍在抵达美国驻港总领事馆之后，要求递交请愿信，领事馆派出一名领事接信。
据悉，斯诺登现在还在香港，但是关于他具体的藏身位置还是一个迷。关于是否应该将他引渡回美国，香港社会各界的意见也不统一。
http://china.huanqiu.com/roll/2013-06/4030867.html
香港何时都有行游
lizhouhui 发表于 2013-6-16 23:31 ![]()
香港何时都有行游
这倒是的。
香港何时都有行游
这倒是的。
啥事都爱游个行~
人数少点
比纪念8乘以8 要少的多啊。
少得多，足以见得某些yx……
kleinmmc 发表于 2013-6-16 23:47 ![]()
比纪念8乘以8 要少的多啊。
没工资领那是必然滴。
比纪念8乘以8 要少的多啊。
没工资领那是必然滴。
图片上的牌子还不忘舔英国屁眼,香港人真心贱!!又恶心又贱!!当年被英国人断水断电忘了么!!
香港的所谓冥主派议员去了没？哪几个上街行游如上班的老头去了没？
我邪恶的发现一只妹纸，
yahoo的春秋笔法，只报道抗议和斯诺登相关，但具体抗议什么绝口不提。然后大谈香港回归以后如何在法治、自由上对抗北京干涉，这次斯诺登事件如何体现香港政治的自由和独立理念云云，让读者好像觉得这次抗议是针对北京的一样。把一件对自身不利的坏事最后写成好像是件好事，这真够中国的新闻报道学学了。
Hong Kong's pro-democracy activists rally around Snowden
NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden is reminding Hong Kongers of their devotion to the rule of law and resistance to interference from mainland China.
The Chinese government controls many facets of life in Hong Kong, the former British colony that has been a "special administrative region" of the People’s Republic for the past 16 years. But the fate of Edward Snowden, the NSA whistleblower, may not be one of them.
And as Mr. Snowden prepares for a legal battle in the courts to fight off an expected US extradition request, pro-democracy activists here have seized on the fugitive as a symbol of their resistance to Beijing’s increasing involvement here.
Snowden’s presence “galvanizes the importance of the rule of law, and underlines the difference between Hong Kong and the mainland,” where the government’s word goes unchallenged, says Michael DeGolyer, who teaches politics at Hong Kong Baptist University.
Snowden himself told the South China Morning Post last Wednesday that “my intention is to ask the courts and people of Hong Kong to decide my fate.”
CHINA'S OPTIONS
Beijing has not made it clear how the Chinese government thinks Snowden ought to be treated.
If it wanted him to stay in Hong Kong, the central government could instruct the city’s Chief Executive, Leung Chun-ying, to declare that surrendering Snowden would damage “the interests of the People’s Republic of China in matters of defense or foreign affairs.”
Beijing is responsible for Hong Kong’s defense and foreign affairs, and Hong Kong’s extradition treaty with the United States contains such a proviso. But China seems unlikely to risk souring relations with Washington by simply blocking an extradition request point blank.
If Beijing wanted to cooperate with Washington, there is little it could do if Snowden challenged an extradition order, legal analysts say; legal procedures under Hong Kong’s common law, patterned after the UK system, could take several years.
“The rule of law in Hong Kong is still alive and kicking,” says Alan Leong, a lawyer and legislator for the pro-democracy Civic Party in the Legislative Council. “I am still very confident in the judiciary” to resist any political pressure, he adds.
HONG KONG DIFFERENCES
An independent judiciary is not the only thing setting Hong Kong apart from the mainland; the media here enjoy freedom of speech undreamt of across the border, and residents regularly exercise their freedom to protest. Most oddly, perhaps, the Communist party that rules the country is still a secret underground organization in Hong Kong.
That does not stop the central Chinese government from being the most influential force in Hong Kong life. Indeed Mr. Leung, who became Chief Executive a year ago, has long had to deny accusations that he is a clandestine member of the Chinese Communist Party. Tsang Yok-sing, president of the Legislative Council, has never denied similar suggestions.
Since Britain handed Hong Kong back to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, opening a 50 year period when the former colony will enjoy “a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power,” according to the Basic Law, Beijing has nonetheless effectively chosen Hong Kong’s Chief Executive.
It has done so simply by quietly signaling its favored candidate to the 1,200 grandees who select Hong Kong’s top official. They are drawn mainly from Hong Kong’s business elite and are generally happy to follow Beijing’s suggestions.
“Most big businessmen here do a lot of business in China and they don’t want to offend the Chinese government,” says George Cautherley, a businessman whose family has lived here for five generations. “They won’t speak out when they might.”
Pro-Beijing political parties also dominate the Legislative Council, with a 43-27 majority over a “pan-democrat” alliance, thanks to a complex electoral system, despite the fact that the pan-democrats won 55 percent of the vote in elections last September.
Nor is Beijing afraid to openly back its favored candidates; officials from the central government’s liaison office appeared last year at campaign events run by candidates from the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, the main pro-Beijing party.
RESENTMENT AMONG ORDINARY RESIDENTS
Beijing’s control of political and business life here, however, has hardly endeared the mainland to ordinary Hong Kongers.
A number of factors have bred resentment. An influx of rich mainlanders has pushed house prices beyond the reach of most local citizens; mainland Chinese women have crammed Hong Kong’s maternity wards in recent years, ensuring that their offspring have Hong Kong residency rights, and Hong Kong mothers have found it difficult to buy powdered milk when mainland mothers – afraid that Chinese brands are unsafe – have snapped up all the supplies here.
At the same time, Hong Kongers are developing a different identity, says Prof. DeGolyer, who runs the Hong Kong Transition Project monitoring public opinion trends. In a report issued earlier this month, DeGolyer found 53 percent of respondents said “Hong Kong’s identity as pluralistic and international” was “the most important…to see protected and promoted.”
Only four percent said that “China’s identity as ruled by the Communist party” was most important to them.
Young people in their twenties supported Hong Kong’s pluralistic traditions even more strongly than other groups, DeGolyer found. They made their voices heard last September, in street protests that forced the government to withdraw Beijing-backed plans for compulsory “moral and national education” courses that critics said were brainwashing.
“The Chinese government had expected that the younger generation would turn their way,” DeGolyer says. “That is decidedly not the case.”
“There is a growing perception in Hong Kong that Beijing, with the assistance of the local government and pro-Beijing supporters, interferes here too much,” says Michael Davis, a Law professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. “There is fallout if they are too heavy handed, and every time they try to do something there is resistance.”
RULE OF LAW PRIZED
Citizens here are especially attached to the rule of law, Prof. Davis adds. “What Edward Snowden came for is exactly what is most highly valued here,” he says. Any government effort to impinge on that tradition provokes fierce public criticism.
Last October, retiring Court of Final Appeal judge Kemal Bokhary warned that “a storm of unprecedented ferocity is gathering over the rule of law in Hong Kong.” He was responding to accusations by then Justice Secretary Elsie Leung that judges do not properly understand Hong Kong’s relations with the mainland, and that the courts had made mistaken judgments, which Mr. Bokhary called undue government interference in court affairs.
If Snowden asks the courts here to decide his fate, says Davis, “Hong Kong will be very careful to tick all the boxes and follow the rules. They know the world is watching.”
http://news.yahoo.com/hong-kongs ... wden-133454352.html
Hong Kong's pro-democracy activists rally around Snowden
NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden is reminding Hong Kongers of their devotion to the rule of law and resistance to interference from mainland China.
The Chinese government controls many facets of life in Hong Kong, the former British colony that has been a "special administrative region" of the People’s Republic for the past 16 years. But the fate of Edward Snowden, the NSA whistleblower, may not be one of them.
And as Mr. Snowden prepares for a legal battle in the courts to fight off an expected US extradition request, pro-democracy activists here have seized on the fugitive as a symbol of their resistance to Beijing’s increasing involvement here.
Snowden’s presence “galvanizes the importance of the rule of law, and underlines the difference between Hong Kong and the mainland,” where the government’s word goes unchallenged, says Michael DeGolyer, who teaches politics at Hong Kong Baptist University.
Snowden himself told the South China Morning Post last Wednesday that “my intention is to ask the courts and people of Hong Kong to decide my fate.”
CHINA'S OPTIONS
Beijing has not made it clear how the Chinese government thinks Snowden ought to be treated.
If it wanted him to stay in Hong Kong, the central government could instruct the city’s Chief Executive, Leung Chun-ying, to declare that surrendering Snowden would damage “the interests of the People’s Republic of China in matters of defense or foreign affairs.”
Beijing is responsible for Hong Kong’s defense and foreign affairs, and Hong Kong’s extradition treaty with the United States contains such a proviso. But China seems unlikely to risk souring relations with Washington by simply blocking an extradition request point blank.
If Beijing wanted to cooperate with Washington, there is little it could do if Snowden challenged an extradition order, legal analysts say; legal procedures under Hong Kong’s common law, patterned after the UK system, could take several years.
“The rule of law in Hong Kong is still alive and kicking,” says Alan Leong, a lawyer and legislator for the pro-democracy Civic Party in the Legislative Council. “I am still very confident in the judiciary” to resist any political pressure, he adds.
HONG KONG DIFFERENCES
An independent judiciary is not the only thing setting Hong Kong apart from the mainland; the media here enjoy freedom of speech undreamt of across the border, and residents regularly exercise their freedom to protest. Most oddly, perhaps, the Communist party that rules the country is still a secret underground organization in Hong Kong.
That does not stop the central Chinese government from being the most influential force in Hong Kong life. Indeed Mr. Leung, who became Chief Executive a year ago, has long had to deny accusations that he is a clandestine member of the Chinese Communist Party. Tsang Yok-sing, president of the Legislative Council, has never denied similar suggestions.
Since Britain handed Hong Kong back to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, opening a 50 year period when the former colony will enjoy “a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power,” according to the Basic Law, Beijing has nonetheless effectively chosen Hong Kong’s Chief Executive.
It has done so simply by quietly signaling its favored candidate to the 1,200 grandees who select Hong Kong’s top official. They are drawn mainly from Hong Kong’s business elite and are generally happy to follow Beijing’s suggestions.
“Most big businessmen here do a lot of business in China and they don’t want to offend the Chinese government,” says George Cautherley, a businessman whose family has lived here for five generations. “They won’t speak out when they might.”
Pro-Beijing political parties also dominate the Legislative Council, with a 43-27 majority over a “pan-democrat” alliance, thanks to a complex electoral system, despite the fact that the pan-democrats won 55 percent of the vote in elections last September.
Nor is Beijing afraid to openly back its favored candidates; officials from the central government’s liaison office appeared last year at campaign events run by candidates from the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, the main pro-Beijing party.
RESENTMENT AMONG ORDINARY RESIDENTS
Beijing’s control of political and business life here, however, has hardly endeared the mainland to ordinary Hong Kongers.
A number of factors have bred resentment. An influx of rich mainlanders has pushed house prices beyond the reach of most local citizens; mainland Chinese women have crammed Hong Kong’s maternity wards in recent years, ensuring that their offspring have Hong Kong residency rights, and Hong Kong mothers have found it difficult to buy powdered milk when mainland mothers – afraid that Chinese brands are unsafe – have snapped up all the supplies here.
At the same time, Hong Kongers are developing a different identity, says Prof. DeGolyer, who runs the Hong Kong Transition Project monitoring public opinion trends. In a report issued earlier this month, DeGolyer found 53 percent of respondents said “Hong Kong’s identity as pluralistic and international” was “the most important…to see protected and promoted.”
Only four percent said that “China’s identity as ruled by the Communist party” was most important to them.
Young people in their twenties supported Hong Kong’s pluralistic traditions even more strongly than other groups, DeGolyer found. They made their voices heard last September, in street protests that forced the government to withdraw Beijing-backed plans for compulsory “moral and national education” courses that critics said were brainwashing.
“The Chinese government had expected that the younger generation would turn their way,” DeGolyer says. “That is decidedly not the case.”
“There is a growing perception in Hong Kong that Beijing, with the assistance of the local government and pro-Beijing supporters, interferes here too much,” says Michael Davis, a Law professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. “There is fallout if they are too heavy handed, and every time they try to do something there is resistance.”
RULE OF LAW PRIZED
Citizens here are especially attached to the rule of law, Prof. Davis adds. “What Edward Snowden came for is exactly what is most highly valued here,” he says. Any government effort to impinge on that tradition provokes fierce public criticism.
Last October, retiring Court of Final Appeal judge Kemal Bokhary warned that “a storm of unprecedented ferocity is gathering over the rule of law in Hong Kong.” He was responding to accusations by then Justice Secretary Elsie Leung that judges do not properly understand Hong Kong’s relations with the mainland, and that the courts had made mistaken judgments, which Mr. Bokhary called undue government interference in court affairs.
If Snowden asks the courts here to decide his fate, says Davis, “Hong Kong will be very careful to tick all the boxes and follow the rules. They know the world is watching.”
http://news.yahoo.com/hong-kongs ... wden-133454352.html
没事游一游，自由
有事靠一靠，有保
有事靠一靠，有保
我只注意到妹子
mpfive3000 发表于 2013-6-17 02:20 ![]()
我只注意到妹子
这女的脸型真难看
我只注意到妹子
这女的脸型真难看
banzhunc462 发表于 2013-6-17 00:17 ![]()
没工资领那是必然滴。
为什么你会认为是有领钱的呢？ 纪念8乘以8 ，难道不是也为了自己吗？
没工资领那是必然滴。
为什么你会认为是有领钱的呢？ 纪念8乘以8 ，难道不是也为了自己吗？
zxjlbf 发表于 2013-6-16 23:35 ![]()
啥事都爱游个行~
吃饱了溜溜弯消化消化食
啥事都爱游个行~
吃饱了溜溜弯消化消化食
为什么你会认为是有领钱的呢？ 纪念8乘以8 ，难道不是也为了自己吗？
关他们毛事
关他们毛事
zxjlbf 发表于 2013-6-16 23:35 ![]()
啥事都爱游个行~
就当户外远足呗
啥事都爱游个行~
就当户外远足呗
kleinmmc 发表于 2013-6-17 08:12 ![]()
为什么你会认为是有领钱的呢？ 纪念8乘以8 ，难道不是也为了自己吗？
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领钱、领饭盒的，朋友说他的一个工友假期还带上子女一起去参加，领东西，还喊他一起去。至于那些行游是关于啥的，他其实都不清楚，就是完成任务可以去领东西。
为什么你会认为是有领钱的呢？ 纪念8乘以8 ，难道不是也为了自己吗？
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领钱、领饭盒的，朋友说他的一个工友假期还带上子女一起去参加，领东西，还喊他一起去。至于那些行游是关于啥的，他其实都不清楚，就是完成任务可以去领东西。
bluekiller 发表于 2013-6-17 12:04 ![]()
关他们毛事
能自由的表达自己的意见，应该和每个人都有关系吧。
关他们毛事
能自由的表达自己的意见，应该和每个人都有关系吧。
lizhouhui 发表于 2013-6-16 23:31 ![]()
香港何时都有行游
97年前，怎么不见何时都有行游？
香港何时都有行游
97年前，怎么不见何时都有行游？
御前带枪市委 发表于 2013-6-17 12:12 ![]()
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领 ...
听说党来了
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领 ...
听说党来了
zxjlbf 发表于 2013-6-16 23:35 ![]()
啥事都爱游个行~
97年前，怎么不见要选举港督游个行
啥事都爱游个行~
97年前，怎么不见要选举港督游个行
漆黑の翼 发表于 2013-6-17 00:18 ![]()
图片上的牌子还不忘舔英国屁眼,香港人真心贱!!又恶心又贱!!当年被英国人断水断电忘了么!!
HK是粤语的英语音译，谈不上舔英国屁眼
图片上的牌子还不忘舔英国屁眼,香港人真心贱!!又恶心又贱!!当年被英国人断水断电忘了么!!
HK是粤语的英语音译，谈不上舔英国屁眼
御前带枪市委 发表于 2013-6-17 12:12 ![]()
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领 ...
可能有你说的那种情况，但你能肯定大部分人都是冲着那份盒饭去的？ 至少有一点可以肯定，香港人比我们知道更多关于那时发生的事。 人家每年上街都是为了什么？ 不是为了我们吗？
你是真天真还是假天真？
有在香港的朋友说过这个事情，“某些”行游（至于是哪些行游，呵呵）是可以领 ...
可能有你说的那种情况，但你能肯定大部分人都是冲着那份盒饭去的？ 至少有一点可以肯定，香港人比我们知道更多关于那时发生的事。 人家每年上街都是为了什么？ 不是为了我们吗？
讲一个笑话 发表于 2013-6-17 22:29
97年前，怎么不见要选举港督游个行
那是因为97年前，被英国“暴力统治”了，怎样这个答案有没有让你感到恶心呢？
喜欢行游的人，基本智商都比较不乐观。其实行游能改变什么呢？美国的占领华盛顿什么结果，日本10万人抗议核电又是什么结果。
政客下决心要做的事情，靠行游取消，我只能嘿嘿了！
斯特恩真的是英雄吗？这个问题搞清了吗？算了，不考验你们的脑容量了
讲一个笑话 发表于 2013-6-17 22:29
97年前，怎么不见要选举港督游个行
那是因为97年前，被英国“暴力统治”了，怎样这个答案有没有让你感到恶心呢？
喜欢行游的人，基本智商都比较不乐观。其实行游能改变什么呢？美国的占领华盛顿什么结果，日本10万人抗议核电又是什么结果。
政客下决心要做的事情，靠行游取消，我只能嘿嘿了！
斯特恩真的是英雄吗？这个问题搞清了吗？算了，不考验你们的脑容量了
HK是粤语的英语音译，谈不上舔英国屁眼
＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
英伦十字旗。
＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝＝
英伦十字旗。
讲一个笑话 发表于 2013-6-17 22:28 ![]()
听说党来了
嘿嘿，你信不信是你的自由，无所谓，爱咋咋地。
听说党来了
嘿嘿，你信不信是你的自由，无所谓，爱咋咋地。
kleinmmc 发表于 2013-6-17 22:32 ![]()
可能有你说的那种情况，但你能肯定大部分人都是冲着那份盒饭去的？ 至少有一点可以肯定，香港人比我们知道 ...
如果光给个饭盒，是没有那么多人去的，另外还有红包领。
另外说明一下，我说的这个事情没有并没有针对某个事件，只是说有“某些”行游存在这个现象。
HK人上街行游是为了你？哥顿时语塞，不知道该肿么回应了。。。
可能有你说的那种情况，但你能肯定大部分人都是冲着那份盒饭去的？ 至少有一点可以肯定，香港人比我们知道 ...
如果光给个饭盒，是没有那么多人去的，另外还有红包领。
另外说明一下，我说的这个事情没有并没有针对某个事件，只是说有“某些”行游存在这个现象。
HK人上街行游是为了你？哥顿时语塞，不知道该肿么回应了。。。
要是没有领盒饭的，这个人数不算少了。
御前带枪市委 发表于 2013-6-18 09:44 ![]()
如果光给个饭盒，是没有那么多人去的，另外还有红包领。
另外说明一下，我说的这个事情没有并没有针对 ...
你让我想起鲁迅的小说， 一群愚民围观清政府杀革命党，最后一个父亲还花高价买来沾有革命党人血的馒头，给儿子治肺痨，愚昧啊。 他们不知到革命党人为何而死。
如果光给个饭盒，是没有那么多人去的，另外还有红包领。
另外说明一下，我说的这个事情没有并没有针对 ...
你让我想起鲁迅的小说， 一群愚民围观清政府杀革命党，最后一个父亲还花高价买来沾有革命党人血的馒头，给儿子治肺痨，愚昧啊。 他们不知到革命党人为何而死。
啥事都爱游个行~
人家吃完饭，散个步，吼两嗓子，没啥啊！
人家吃完饭，散个步，吼两嗓子，没啥啊！
小白太白 发表于 2013-6-17 00:33 ![]()
我邪恶的发现一只妹纸，
你说的是那脸部走型的大婶？
我邪恶的发现一只妹纸，
你说的是那脸部走型的大婶？
嗯，上次忘了是什么活动，本人刚好在香港，前面有人打着旗呢，就跟着看热闹，结果路两边有人举着照相机，不会把我当成游 行队伍拍进去了吧
嗯……香港几百万人，然后900人散步，都要报道一下。晕呀