早日认命吧,弯弯,土共才是你们温暖的怀抱

来源:百度文库 编辑:超级军网 时间:2024/04/20 14:47:24


To Save Our Economy, Ditch Taiwan

WITH a single bold act, President Obama could correct the country’s course, help assure his re-election, and preserve our children’s future.

He needs to redefine America’s mindset about national security away from the old defense mentality that American power derives predominantly from our military might, rather than from the strength, agility and competitiveness of our economy. He should make it clear that today American jobs and wealth matter more than military prowess.

As Adm. Mike Mullen, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, declared last year, “The most significant threat to our national security is our debt.”

There are dozens of initiatives President Obama could undertake to strengthen our economic security. Here is one: He should enter into closed-door negotiations with Chinese leaders to write off the $1.14 trillion of American debt currently held by China in exchange for a deal to end American military assistance and arms sales to Taiwan and terminate the current United States-Taiwan defense arrangement by 2015.  

This would be a most precious prize to the cautious men in Beijing, one they would give dearly to achieve. After all, our relationship with Taiwan, as revised in 1979, is a vestige of the cold war.

Today, America has little strategic interest in Taiwan, which is gradually integrating with China economically by investing in and forming joint ventures with mainland Chinese firms. The island’s absorption into mainland China is inevitable.  

But the status quo is dangerous; if Taiwanese nationalist politicians decided to declare independence or if Beijing’s hawks tired of waiting for integration and moved to take Taiwan by force, America could suddenly be drawn into a multitrillion-dollar war.

There will be “China hawks” who denounce any deal on Taiwan as American capitulation, but their fear of a Red China menacing Asia is anachronistic. Portraying the United States as a democratic Athens threatened by China’s autocratic Sparta makes for sensational imagery, but nothing could be further from reality.

The battle today is between competing balance sheets, and it is fought in board rooms; it is not a geopolitical struggle to militarily or ideologically “dominate” the Pacific.

In fact, China and the United States have interlocking economic interests. China’s greatest military asset is actually the United States Navy, which keeps the sea lanes safe for China’s resources and products to flow freely.

China would want a deal on Taiwan for several reasons. First, Taiwan is Beijing’s unspoken but hard-to-hide top priority for symbolic and strategic reasons; only access to water and energy mean more to Chinese leaders.

Second, a deal would open a clearer path for the gradual, orderly integration of Taiwan into China.

Third, it would undermine hard-line militarists who use the Taiwan issue to stoke nationalist flames, sideline pro-Western technocrats and extract larger military budgets. And finally, it would save China the considerable sums it has been spending on a vast military buildup.

Jeffrey Lewis, an East Asia expert at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, estimated that one-fourth to one-third of China’s defense spending goes to forces in the vicinity of Taiwan — at a cost of $30 billion to $50 billion a year. A deal for the resolution of Taiwan’s status could save China $500 billion in defense spending by 2020 and allow Beijing to break even by 2030, while reducing America’s debt and serving our broader economic interests.

The Chinese leadership would be startled — for a change — if the United States were to adopt such a savvy negotiating posture. Beyond reducing our debt, a Taiwan deal could pressure Beijing to end its political and economic support for pariah states like Iran, North Korea and Syria and to exert a moderating influence over an unstable Pakistan. It would be a game changer.

The deal would eliminate almost 10 percent of our national debt without raising taxes or cutting spending; it would redirect American foreign policy away from dated cold-war-era entanglements and toward our contemporary economic and strategic interests; and it would eliminate the risk of involvement in a costly war with China.

Critics will call this proposal impractical, even absurd. They will say it doesn’t have a prayer of passing Congress, and doesn’t acknowledge political realities. They might be right — today.

But by pursuing this agenda, Mr. Obama would change the calculus and political reality. And Congress should see a deal with China as an opportunity to make itself credible again.

Debt is not in itself bad, when managed, but today’s unsustainable debt will suffocate our economy, our democracy and our children’s futures.

By tackling the issue of Taiwan, Mr. Obama could address much of what ails him today, sending a message of bold foreign policy thinking and fiscal responsibility that would benefit every citizen and be understood by every voter.

你们的米国干爹说了:为了我们的经济,坑了台湾.....

有感兴趣的转到那边的绿毛论坛去恶心恶心

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/1 ... q=taiwan&st=cse

To Save Our Economy, Ditch Taiwan

WITH a single bold act, President Obama could correct the country’s course, help assure his re-election, and preserve our children’s future.

He needs to redefine America’s mindset about national security away from the old defense mentality that American power derives predominantly from our military might, rather than from the strength, agility and competitiveness of our economy. He should make it clear that today American jobs and wealth matter more than military prowess.

As Adm. Mike Mullen, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, declared last year, “The most significant threat to our national security is our debt.”

There are dozens of initiatives President Obama could undertake to strengthen our economic security. Here is one: He should enter into closed-door negotiations with Chinese leaders to write off the $1.14 trillion of American debt currently held by China in exchange for a deal to end American military assistance and arms sales to Taiwan and terminate the current United States-Taiwan defense arrangement by 2015.  

This would be a most precious prize to the cautious men in Beijing, one they would give dearly to achieve. After all, our relationship with Taiwan, as revised in 1979, is a vestige of the cold war.

Today, America has little strategic interest in Taiwan, which is gradually integrating with China economically by investing in and forming joint ventures with mainland Chinese firms. The island’s absorption into mainland China is inevitable.  

But the status quo is dangerous; if Taiwanese nationalist politicians decided to declare independence or if Beijing’s hawks tired of waiting for integration and moved to take Taiwan by force, America could suddenly be drawn into a multitrillion-dollar war.

There will be “China hawks” who denounce any deal on Taiwan as American capitulation, but their fear of a Red China menacing Asia is anachronistic. Portraying the United States as a democratic Athens threatened by China’s autocratic Sparta makes for sensational imagery, but nothing could be further from reality.

The battle today is between competing balance sheets, and it is fought in board rooms; it is not a geopolitical struggle to militarily or ideologically “dominate” the Pacific.

In fact, China and the United States have interlocking economic interests. China’s greatest military asset is actually the United States Navy, which keeps the sea lanes safe for China’s resources and products to flow freely.

China would want a deal on Taiwan for several reasons. First, Taiwan is Beijing’s unspoken but hard-to-hide top priority for symbolic and strategic reasons; only access to water and energy mean more to Chinese leaders.

Second, a deal would open a clearer path for the gradual, orderly integration of Taiwan into China.

Third, it would undermine hard-line militarists who use the Taiwan issue to stoke nationalist flames, sideline pro-Western technocrats and extract larger military budgets. And finally, it would save China the considerable sums it has been spending on a vast military buildup.

Jeffrey Lewis, an East Asia expert at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, estimated that one-fourth to one-third of China’s defense spending goes to forces in the vicinity of Taiwan — at a cost of $30 billion to $50 billion a year. A deal for the resolution of Taiwan’s status could save China $500 billion in defense spending by 2020 and allow Beijing to break even by 2030, while reducing America’s debt and serving our broader economic interests.

The Chinese leadership would be startled — for a change — if the United States were to adopt such a savvy negotiating posture. Beyond reducing our debt, a Taiwan deal could pressure Beijing to end its political and economic support for pariah states like Iran, North Korea and Syria and to exert a moderating influence over an unstable Pakistan. It would be a game changer.

The deal would eliminate almost 10 percent of our national debt without raising taxes or cutting spending; it would redirect American foreign policy away from dated cold-war-era entanglements and toward our contemporary economic and strategic interests; and it would eliminate the risk of involvement in a costly war with China.

Critics will call this proposal impractical, even absurd. They will say it doesn’t have a prayer of passing Congress, and doesn’t acknowledge political realities. They might be right — today.

But by pursuing this agenda, Mr. Obama would change the calculus and political reality. And Congress should see a deal with China as an opportunity to make itself credible again.

Debt is not in itself bad, when managed, but today’s unsustainable debt will suffocate our economy, our democracy and our children’s futures.

By tackling the issue of Taiwan, Mr. Obama could address much of what ails him today, sending a message of bold foreign policy thinking and fiscal responsibility that would benefit every citizen and be understood by every voter.

你们的米国干爹说了:为了我们的经济,坑了台湾.....

有感兴趣的转到那边的绿毛论坛去恶心恶心

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/1 ... q=taiwan&st=cse
方言看着累啊
虽然英语不大好,估计又是哈佛的那个叫兽的言论吧
讨厌方言


占楼翻文

有了一个大胆的行为,奥巴马总统可以调整国家的走上正轨,增加他连任把握,并且保护孩子们的未来。

他需要重新界定美国的国家安全的思维定势,原有的防御思维是美国的力量主要都源于其军事力量,而不是我们的经济力量,灵活性和竞争力。他应该明确表示,今天美国的就业机会和财富的问题比军事力量问题更大。

作为海军上将马伦,参谋长联席会议主席,去年宣布,“我们的国家安全构成威胁的最显著的是我们的债务。”

奥巴马总统承诺有十几项措施可以加强我们的经济安全。这里是之一:他应该到与中国领导人闭门谈判进入以免除1.14万亿美国国债,条件是换取一份到年底美国的终止军事援助和向台湾出售武器,并终止目前美国到2015年台湾防务合作的安排。

这将是一个谨慎的北京领导人希望的付出高昂的代价来实现的最珍贵的奖品。毕竟我们与台湾的关系,在1979年修订的,是冷战的遗迹。

今天,美国只有一点在台湾的战略利益。台湾在逐步融入中国经济投资和形成与中国大陆的公司合资,台湾的融合并入中国大陆是必然的。

但现状是危险的,如果台湾民族主义政治家决定宣布独立或如果北京的鹰派厌倦了等待统一并以武力夺取台湾,美国可能会突然被拖入一个数万亿美元的的战争。

就会出现“对华鹰派”谴责任何对台湾的协议是美国投降的表示,但他们害怕在亚洲有一个红色的中国来势汹汹的想法是过时的。将这描绘成一个民主的雅典美国收到专制的斯巴达中国耸人听闻威胁的景象,但根本就没有从实际出发。

今天的战争是相互竞争的财力之战,它是在财团董事的会议室里斗争,而不是在军事上或思想上的“主宰”太平洋而开展的地缘政治斗争。

事实上,中国和美国经济利益是环环相扣的。中国最大的军事资产实际上是美国海军,这使中国的资源和产品的自由流动的海上通道安全。
中国希望对台湾的处理有以下几个原因。
首先,台湾是北京的领导人不曾言明但难以隐藏象征性的和战略上的首要任务,除了获得水和能源之外。

其二,当交易将逐步开放,台湾会有条不紊更容易的并入中国。

第三,它会重创强硬的好战派利用台湾问题挑起民族主义的火焰,排挤亲西方的技术官员和提取更大的军事预算。

最后,它会帮助中国,节约维持一个庞大的军事集结的大开支。

东亚洲蒙特里国际研究学院的专家杰弗里刘易斯,他估计到,中国的国防开支有四分或三分之一用于台湾附近的部队 - 费用为每年300亿美元至500亿美元。处理台湾地位的达成决议,能帮助中国到2020年节省500亿美元的国防开支,并让北京2030年达到经费平衡,同时也能减少美国的债务,提供更广泛的经济利益。

如果美国改变而采取这样一个精明的谈判姿态,中国领导人将为之一震。 除了减少我们的债务外,台湾问题协议还可以让北京结束支持政治和经济糟糕的国家,如伊朗,朝鲜和叙利亚,并对不稳定的巴基斯坦缓和施加影响力。这将是一个改变游戏规则的协议。

没有增加税收或削减开支,这笔交易将消除我们的国家债务的近10%。它会重新定位我们当代的经济和战略利益的美国外交政策结束过时的冷战时代纠葛。这将消除一场与中国发生代价高昂的战争的风险。

批评家会说这个建议是不切实际的,甚至是荒谬的。他们会说,它没有通过国会的批准,而且是不承认政治现实。他们可能是正确的 - 当前而言。

但通过实施这一议程,奥巴马先生会改变预算和政治现实。而国会应该将它看到作为一个机会,使自己再次相信可以与中国打交道。

可控的债务本身不是坏的,但今天的不可持续的债务将窒息我们的经济,我们的民主和我们孩子的未来。

通过解决台湾问题,奥巴马先生能解决当前的许多麻烦,并发出一个大胆的外交政策思想和可靠的财政责任,这将有利于每个公民和理解每一位选民的消息


看来华府开始看开了。。。。

占楼翻文

有了一个大胆的行为,奥巴马总统可以调整国家的走上正轨,增加他连任把握,并且保护孩子们的未来。

他需要重新界定美国的国家安全的思维定势,原有的防御思维是美国的力量主要都源于其军事力量,而不是我们的经济力量,灵活性和竞争力。他应该明确表示,今天美国的就业机会和财富的问题比军事力量问题更大。

作为海军上将马伦,参谋长联席会议主席,去年宣布,“我们的国家安全构成威胁的最显著的是我们的债务。”

奥巴马总统承诺有十几项措施可以加强我们的经济安全。这里是之一:他应该到与中国领导人闭门谈判进入以免除1.14万亿美国国债,条件是换取一份到年底美国的终止军事援助和向台湾出售武器,并终止目前美国到2015年台湾防务合作的安排。

这将是一个谨慎的北京领导人希望的付出高昂的代价来实现的最珍贵的奖品。毕竟我们与台湾的关系,在1979年修订的,是冷战的遗迹。

今天,美国只有一点在台湾的战略利益。台湾在逐步融入中国经济投资和形成与中国大陆的公司合资,台湾的融合并入中国大陆是必然的。

但现状是危险的,如果台湾民族主义政治家决定宣布独立或如果北京的鹰派厌倦了等待统一并以武力夺取台湾,美国可能会突然被拖入一个数万亿美元的的战争。

就会出现“对华鹰派”谴责任何对台湾的协议是美国投降的表示,但他们害怕在亚洲有一个红色的中国来势汹汹的想法是过时的。将这描绘成一个民主的雅典美国收到专制的斯巴达中国耸人听闻威胁的景象,但根本就没有从实际出发。

今天的战争是相互竞争的财力之战,它是在财团董事的会议室里斗争,而不是在军事上或思想上的“主宰”太平洋而开展的地缘政治斗争。

事实上,中国和美国经济利益是环环相扣的。中国最大的军事资产实际上是美国海军,这使中国的资源和产品的自由流动的海上通道安全。
中国希望对台湾的处理有以下几个原因。
首先,台湾是北京的领导人不曾言明但难以隐藏象征性的和战略上的首要任务,除了获得水和能源之外。

其二,当交易将逐步开放,台湾会有条不紊更容易的并入中国。

第三,它会重创强硬的好战派利用台湾问题挑起民族主义的火焰,排挤亲西方的技术官员和提取更大的军事预算。

最后,它会帮助中国,节约维持一个庞大的军事集结的大开支。

东亚洲蒙特里国际研究学院的专家杰弗里刘易斯,他估计到,中国的国防开支有四分或三分之一用于台湾附近的部队 - 费用为每年300亿美元至500亿美元。处理台湾地位的达成决议,能帮助中国到2020年节省500亿美元的国防开支,并让北京2030年达到经费平衡,同时也能减少美国的债务,提供更广泛的经济利益。

如果美国改变而采取这样一个精明的谈判姿态,中国领导人将为之一震。 除了减少我们的债务外,台湾问题协议还可以让北京结束支持政治和经济糟糕的国家,如伊朗,朝鲜和叙利亚,并对不稳定的巴基斯坦缓和施加影响力。这将是一个改变游戏规则的协议。

没有增加税收或削减开支,这笔交易将消除我们的国家债务的近10%。它会重新定位我们当代的经济和战略利益的美国外交政策结束过时的冷战时代纠葛。这将消除一场与中国发生代价高昂的战争的风险。

批评家会说这个建议是不切实际的,甚至是荒谬的。他们会说,它没有通过国会的批准,而且是不承认政治现实。他们可能是正确的 - 当前而言。

但通过实施这一议程,奥巴马先生会改变预算和政治现实。而国会应该将它看到作为一个机会,使自己再次相信可以与中国打交道。

可控的债务本身不是坏的,但今天的不可持续的债务将窒息我们的经济,我们的民主和我们孩子的未来。

通过解决台湾问题,奥巴马先生能解决当前的许多麻烦,并发出一个大胆的外交政策思想和可靠的财政责任,这将有利于每个公民和理解每一位选民的消息


看来华府开始看开了。。。。
please louzhu fanyi


只看到一句:“对我们国家安全威胁最大的是债务”。

只看到一句:“对我们国家安全威胁最大的是债务”。


重复了,删掉

重复了,删掉