超级军网中國建造小而強的軍力 華郵報導中國軍力威脅美國本土
来源：百度文库 编辑：超级军网 时间：2024/04/26 03:55:00
东森新闻
2005/04/12 17:22
記者周永旭／編譯
美國華盛頓郵報十二日以「中國建造小而強的軍力」的為題，指共軍的現代化正在威脅美國在太平洋的主導地位。報導說，中國軍方正在推動的數項計畫，可能很快就會對美國產生足夠的核子嚇阻能力。這也是繼紐約時報、波士頓環球報之後，一個星期內的第三家美國主要報紙報導共軍對美國已經造成威脅。
華郵在報導中指出，除了更強大的核子嚇阻力之外，共軍也受到使用高科技武器的更好訓練，取得更有效、能用在台海的巡弋和反艦飛彈。報導說，過去數週包括美國總統布希，國防部長倫斯斐與國務卿萊斯，中情局局長葛斯鈞對中國近來的軍事進展，以及可能對區域權力平衡產生的影響表達關切。
報導說，美國政府官員的評論顯示，共軍的現代化可能即將達成重要突破。報導引述前台灣副國防部長林中斌的談話說，中國「現在是收割的時刻」。
美國與台灣國防官員指出，中國在反艦與巡弋飛彈的發展不容小覷。除了取得俄製現代級驅逐艦及音速二點五倍的日炙飛彈外，中國還購買了八艘基洛級潛艦，其上配備射程達一百四十五英里的反艦飛彈。
中國的核子嚇阻武力也大有進展。取代夏級的零九四型核子飛彈潛艦能攜帶十六枚洲際彈道飛彈，給了中國能夠躲避美國反制，並進而攻擊美國本土的核子嚇阻武力。此外，中國近來也部署了東風三十一型飛彈，搭配射程長達八千英里的東風四十一型，使得整個美國本土都在中國洲際飛彈的射程之內。
據林中斌表示，中國的目的不是要攻擊美國，而是要讓美國就是否介入台海「考慮再三」，而當美國還在考慮時，中國大軍就已經攻入台灣。
除了發展核武之外，中國為遏止台獨而在福建與江西廣布短程飛彈，同時積極發展能夠投射進入南海的海、空軍武力。中國藉著從印度洋至南海諸國的軍事合作，廣布軍事設施與監聽站，試圖確保一旦爆發衝突時海上原油進口航路不遭切斷。
報導引述台灣副國防部長蔡明憲的談話指出，中國若取得台灣，不僅可以確保海上航路安全，更可以大舉進軍太平洋。「台灣對中國而言是戰略必爭之地，不再只是神聖的使命」
專家指出，中國雖然積極發展兩棲登陸戰力，但現在中國僅有能力一次運送一個師，約一萬兩千人的兵力進行登陸作戰。這樣的兵力不足以攻佔台灣，但是可以攻克台灣的外島。东森新闻
2005/04/12 17:22
記者周永旭／編譯
美國華盛頓郵報十二日以「中國建造小而強的軍力」的為題，指共軍的現代化正在威脅美國在太平洋的主導地位。報導說，中國軍方正在推動的數項計畫，可能很快就會對美國產生足夠的核子嚇阻能力。這也是繼紐約時報、波士頓環球報之後，一個星期內的第三家美國主要報紙報導共軍對美國已經造成威脅。
華郵在報導中指出，除了更強大的核子嚇阻力之外，共軍也受到使用高科技武器的更好訓練，取得更有效、能用在台海的巡弋和反艦飛彈。報導說，過去數週包括美國總統布希，國防部長倫斯斐與國務卿萊斯，中情局局長葛斯鈞對中國近來的軍事進展，以及可能對區域權力平衡產生的影響表達關切。
報導說，美國政府官員的評論顯示，共軍的現代化可能即將達成重要突破。報導引述前台灣副國防部長林中斌的談話說，中國「現在是收割的時刻」。
美國與台灣國防官員指出，中國在反艦與巡弋飛彈的發展不容小覷。除了取得俄製現代級驅逐艦及音速二點五倍的日炙飛彈外，中國還購買了八艘基洛級潛艦，其上配備射程達一百四十五英里的反艦飛彈。
中國的核子嚇阻武力也大有進展。取代夏級的零九四型核子飛彈潛艦能攜帶十六枚洲際彈道飛彈，給了中國能夠躲避美國反制，並進而攻擊美國本土的核子嚇阻武力。此外，中國近來也部署了東風三十一型飛彈，搭配射程長達八千英里的東風四十一型，使得整個美國本土都在中國洲際飛彈的射程之內。
據林中斌表示，中國的目的不是要攻擊美國，而是要讓美國就是否介入台海「考慮再三」，而當美國還在考慮時，中國大軍就已經攻入台灣。
除了發展核武之外，中國為遏止台獨而在福建與江西廣布短程飛彈，同時積極發展能夠投射進入南海的海、空軍武力。中國藉著從印度洋至南海諸國的軍事合作，廣布軍事設施與監聽站，試圖確保一旦爆發衝突時海上原油進口航路不遭切斷。
報導引述台灣副國防部長蔡明憲的談話指出，中國若取得台灣，不僅可以確保海上航路安全，更可以大舉進軍太平洋。「台灣對中國而言是戰略必爭之地，不再只是神聖的使命」
專家指出，中國雖然積極發展兩棲登陸戰力，但現在中國僅有能力一次運送一個師，約一萬兩千人的兵力進行登陸作戰。這樣的兵力不足以攻佔台灣，但是可以攻克台灣的外島。
2005/04/12 17:22
記者周永旭／編譯
美國華盛頓郵報十二日以「中國建造小而強的軍力」的為題，指共軍的現代化正在威脅美國在太平洋的主導地位。報導說，中國軍方正在推動的數項計畫，可能很快就會對美國產生足夠的核子嚇阻能力。這也是繼紐約時報、波士頓環球報之後，一個星期內的第三家美國主要報紙報導共軍對美國已經造成威脅。
華郵在報導中指出，除了更強大的核子嚇阻力之外，共軍也受到使用高科技武器的更好訓練，取得更有效、能用在台海的巡弋和反艦飛彈。報導說，過去數週包括美國總統布希，國防部長倫斯斐與國務卿萊斯，中情局局長葛斯鈞對中國近來的軍事進展，以及可能對區域權力平衡產生的影響表達關切。
報導說，美國政府官員的評論顯示，共軍的現代化可能即將達成重要突破。報導引述前台灣副國防部長林中斌的談話說，中國「現在是收割的時刻」。
美國與台灣國防官員指出，中國在反艦與巡弋飛彈的發展不容小覷。除了取得俄製現代級驅逐艦及音速二點五倍的日炙飛彈外，中國還購買了八艘基洛級潛艦，其上配備射程達一百四十五英里的反艦飛彈。
中國的核子嚇阻武力也大有進展。取代夏級的零九四型核子飛彈潛艦能攜帶十六枚洲際彈道飛彈，給了中國能夠躲避美國反制，並進而攻擊美國本土的核子嚇阻武力。此外，中國近來也部署了東風三十一型飛彈，搭配射程長達八千英里的東風四十一型，使得整個美國本土都在中國洲際飛彈的射程之內。
據林中斌表示，中國的目的不是要攻擊美國，而是要讓美國就是否介入台海「考慮再三」，而當美國還在考慮時，中國大軍就已經攻入台灣。
除了發展核武之外，中國為遏止台獨而在福建與江西廣布短程飛彈，同時積極發展能夠投射進入南海的海、空軍武力。中國藉著從印度洋至南海諸國的軍事合作，廣布軍事設施與監聽站，試圖確保一旦爆發衝突時海上原油進口航路不遭切斷。
報導引述台灣副國防部長蔡明憲的談話指出，中國若取得台灣，不僅可以確保海上航路安全，更可以大舉進軍太平洋。「台灣對中國而言是戰略必爭之地，不再只是神聖的使命」
專家指出，中國雖然積極發展兩棲登陸戰力，但現在中國僅有能力一次運送一個師，約一萬兩千人的兵力進行登陸作戰。這樣的兵力不足以攻佔台灣，但是可以攻克台灣的外島。东森新闻
2005/04/12 17:22
記者周永旭／編譯
美國華盛頓郵報十二日以「中國建造小而強的軍力」的為題，指共軍的現代化正在威脅美國在太平洋的主導地位。報導說，中國軍方正在推動的數項計畫，可能很快就會對美國產生足夠的核子嚇阻能力。這也是繼紐約時報、波士頓環球報之後，一個星期內的第三家美國主要報紙報導共軍對美國已經造成威脅。
華郵在報導中指出，除了更強大的核子嚇阻力之外，共軍也受到使用高科技武器的更好訓練，取得更有效、能用在台海的巡弋和反艦飛彈。報導說，過去數週包括美國總統布希，國防部長倫斯斐與國務卿萊斯，中情局局長葛斯鈞對中國近來的軍事進展，以及可能對區域權力平衡產生的影響表達關切。
報導說，美國政府官員的評論顯示，共軍的現代化可能即將達成重要突破。報導引述前台灣副國防部長林中斌的談話說，中國「現在是收割的時刻」。
美國與台灣國防官員指出，中國在反艦與巡弋飛彈的發展不容小覷。除了取得俄製現代級驅逐艦及音速二點五倍的日炙飛彈外，中國還購買了八艘基洛級潛艦，其上配備射程達一百四十五英里的反艦飛彈。
中國的核子嚇阻武力也大有進展。取代夏級的零九四型核子飛彈潛艦能攜帶十六枚洲際彈道飛彈，給了中國能夠躲避美國反制，並進而攻擊美國本土的核子嚇阻武力。此外，中國近來也部署了東風三十一型飛彈，搭配射程長達八千英里的東風四十一型，使得整個美國本土都在中國洲際飛彈的射程之內。
據林中斌表示，中國的目的不是要攻擊美國，而是要讓美國就是否介入台海「考慮再三」，而當美國還在考慮時，中國大軍就已經攻入台灣。
除了發展核武之外，中國為遏止台獨而在福建與江西廣布短程飛彈，同時積極發展能夠投射進入南海的海、空軍武力。中國藉著從印度洋至南海諸國的軍事合作，廣布軍事設施與監聽站，試圖確保一旦爆發衝突時海上原油進口航路不遭切斷。
報導引述台灣副國防部長蔡明憲的談話指出，中國若取得台灣，不僅可以確保海上航路安全，更可以大舉進軍太平洋。「台灣對中國而言是戰略必爭之地，不再只是神聖的使命」
專家指出，中國雖然積極發展兩棲登陸戰力，但現在中國僅有能力一次運送一個師，約一萬兩千人的兵力進行登陸作戰。這樣的兵力不足以攻佔台灣，但是可以攻克台灣的外島。
美军一方面说，中美的军事差距在拉大，一方面又鼓吹中国军事威胁论....
China Builds a Smaller, Stronger Military
Modernization Could Alter Regional Balance of Power, Raising Stakes for U.S.
By Edward Cody
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, April 12, 2005; Page A01
BEIJING -- A top-to-bottom modernization is transforming the Chinese military, raising the stakes for U.S. forces long dominant in the Pacific.
Several programs to improve China's armed forces could soon produce a stronger nuclear deterrent against the United States, soldiers better trained to use high-technology weapons, and more effective cruise and anti-ship missiles for use in the waters around Taiwan, according to foreign specialists and U.S. officials.
In the past several weeks, President Bush and his senior aides, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Director of Central Intelligence Porter J. Goss, have expressed concern over the recent pace of China's military progress and its effect on the regional balance of power.
Their comments suggested the modernization program might be on the brink of reaching one of its principal goals. For the last decade -- at least since two U.S. aircraft carrier battle groups steamed in to show resolve during a moment of high tension over Taiwan in 1996 -- Chinese leaders have sought to field enough modern weaponry to ensure that any U.S. decision to intervene again would be painful and fraught with risk.
As far as is known, China's military has not come up with a weapon system that suddenly changes the equation in the Taiwan Strait or surrounding waters where Japanese and U.S. forces deploy, the specialists said. China has been trying to update its military for more than two decades, seeking to push the low-tech, manpower-heavy force it calls a people's army into the 21st-century world of computers, satellites and electronic weapons. Although results have been slow in coming, they added, several programs will come to fruition simultaneously in the next few years, promising a new level of firepower in one of the world's most volatile regions.
"This is the harvest time," said Lin Chong-pin, a former Taiwanese deputy defense minister and an expert on the Chinese military at the Foundation on International and Cross-Strait Studies in Taipei.
U.S. and Taiwanese military officials pointed in particular to China's rapid development of cruise and other anti-ship missiles designed to pierce the electronic defenses of U.S. vessels that might be dispatched to the Taiwan Strait in case of conflict.
The Chinese navy has taken delivery of two Russian-built Sovremenny-class guided missile destroyers and has six more on order, equipped with Sunburn missiles able to skim 4 1/2 feet above the water at a speed of Mach 2.5 to evade radar. In addition, it has contracted with Russia to buy eight Kilo-class diesel submarines that carry Club anti-ship missiles with a range of 145 miles.
"These systems will present significant challenges in the event of a U.S. naval force response to a Taiwan crisis," Vice Adm. Lowell E. Jacoby, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, told the Senate Armed Services Committee in testimony March 17.
The Nuclear Deterrent
Strategically, China's military is also close to achieving an improved nuclear deterrent against the United States, according to foreign officials and specialists.
The Type 094 nuclear missile submarine, launched last July to replace a trouble-prone Xia-class vessel, can carry 16 intercontinental ballistic missiles. Married with the newly developed Julang-2 missile, which has a range of more than 5,000 miles and the ability to carry independently targeted warheads, the 094 will give China a survivable nuclear deterrent against the continental United States, according to "Modernizing China's Military," a study by David Shambaugh of George Washington University.
In addition, the Dongfeng-31 solid-fuel mobile ballistic missile, a three-stage, land-based equivalent of the Julang-2, has been deployed in recent years to augment the approximately 20 Dongfeng-5 liquid-fuel missiles already in service, according to academic specialists citing U.S. intelligence reports.
It will be joined in coming years by an 8,000-mileDongfeng-41, these reports said, putting the entire United States within range of land-based Chinese ICBMs as well. "The main purpose of that is not to attack the United States," Lin said. "The main purpose is to throw a monkey wrench into the decision-making process in Washington, to make the Americans think, and think again, about intervening in Taiwan, and by then the Chinese have moved in."
With a $1.3 trillion economy growing at more than 9 percent a year, China has acquired more than enough wealth to make these investments in a modern military. The announced defense budget has risen by double digits in most recent years. For 2005, it jumped 12.6 percent to hit nearly $30 billion.
The Pentagon estimates that real military expenditures, including weapons acquisitions and research tucked into other budgets, should be calculated at two or three times the announced figure. That would make China's defense expenditures among the world's largest, but still far behind the $400 billion budgeted this year by the United States.
Projecting Force to Taiwan
Taiwan, the self-ruled island that China insists must reunite with the mainland, has long been at the center of this growth in military spending; one of the military's chief missions is to project a threat of force should Taiwan's rulers take steps toward formal independence.
Embodying the threat, the 2nd Artillery Corps has deployed more than 600 short-range ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan from southeastern China's Fujian and Jiangxi provinces, according to Taiwan's deputy defense minister, Michael M. Tsai. Medium-range missiles have also been developed, he said, and much of China's modernization campaign is directed at acquiring weapons and support systems that would give it air and sea superiority in any conflict over the 100-mile-wide Taiwan Strait.
But the expansion of China's interests abroad, particularly energy needs, has also broadened the military's mission in recent years. Increasingly, according to foreign specialists and Chinese commentators, China's navy and air force have set out to project power in the South China Sea, where several islands are under dispute and vital oil supplies pass through, and in the East China Sea, where China and Japan are at loggerheads over mineral rights and several contested islands.
China has acquired signals-monitoring facilities on Burma's Coco Islands and, according to U.S. reports, at a port it is building in cooperation with Pakistan near the Iranian border at Gwadar, which looks out over tankers exiting the Persian Gulf. According to a report prepared for Rumsfeld's office by Booz Allen Hamilton, the consulting firm, China has developed a "string of pearls" strategy, seeking military-related agreements with Bangladesh, Cambodia and Thailand in addition to those with Burma and Pakistan.
Against this background, unifying Taiwan with the mainland has become more than just a nationalist goal. The 13,500-square-mile territory has also become a platform that China needs to protect southern sea lanes, through which pass 80 percent of its imported oil and tons of other imported raw materials. It could serve as a base for Chinese submarines to have unfettered access to the deep Pacific, according to Tsai, Taiwan's deputy defense minister. "Taiwan for them now is a strategic must and no longer just a sacred mission," Lin said.
Traditionally, China's threat against Taiwan has been envisaged as a Normandy-style assault by troops hitting the beaches. French, German, British and Mexican military attaches were invited to observe such landing exercises by specialized Chinese troops last September.
Also in that vein, specialists noted, the Chinese navy's fast-paced ship construction program includes landing vessels and troop transports. Two giant transports that were seen under construction in Shanghai's shipyards a year ago, for instance, have disappeared, presumably to the next stage of their preparation for deployment.
But U.S. and Taiwanese officials noted that China's amphibious forces had the ability to move across the strait only one armored division -- about 12,000 men with their vehicles. That would be enough to occupy an outlying Taiwanese island as a gesture, they said, but not to seize the main island.
Instead, Taiwanese officials said, if a conflict arose, they would expect a graduated campaign of high-tech pinpoint attacks, including cruise missile strikes on key government offices or computer sabotage, designed to force the leadership in Taipei to negotiate short of all-out war. The 1996 crisis, when China test-fired missiles off the coast, cost the Taiwanese economy $20 billion in lost business and mobilization expenses, a senior security official recalled.
High-Tech Emphasis
A little-discussed but key facet of China's military modernization has been a reduction in personnel and an intensive effort to better train and equip the soldiers who remain, particularly those who operate high-technology weapons. Dennis J. Blasko, a former U.S. military attache in Beijing who is writing a book on the People's Liberation Army, said that forming a core of skilled commissioned and noncommissioned officers and other specialists who can make the military run in a high-tech environment may be just as important in the long run as buying sophisticated weapons.
Premier Wen Jiabao told the National People's Congress last month that his government would soon complete a 200,000-soldier reduction that has been underway since 2003. That would leave about 2.3 million troops in the Chinese military, making it still the world's biggest, according to a report issued recently by the Defense Ministry.
Because of pensions and retraining for dismissed soldiers, the training and personnel reduction program has so far been an expense rather than a cost-cutter, according to foreign specialists. But it has encountered competition for funds from the high-tech and high-expense program to make China's military capable of waging what former president Jiang Zemin called "war under informationalized conditions."
The emphasis on high-tech warfare, as opposed to China's traditional reliance on masses of ground troops, was dramatized by shifts last September in the Communist Party's decision-making Central Military Commission, which had long been dominated by the People's Liberation Army. Air force commander Qiao Qingchen, Navy commander Zhang Dingfa and 2nd Artillery commander Jing Zhiyuan, whose units control China's ballistic missiles, joined the commission for the first time, signaling the importance of their responsibilities under the modernization drive.
Air Superiority
Striving for air superiority over the Taiwan Strait, the air force has acquired from Russia more than 250 Sukhoi Su-27 single-role and Su-30 all-weather, multi-role fighter planes, according to Richard D. Fisher, vice president of the International Assessment and Strategy Center in Washington. The Pentagon has forecast that, as the Sukhoi program continues to add to China's aging inventory, the air force will field about 2,000 warplanes by 2020, of which about 150 will be fourth-generation craft equipped with sophisticated avionics.
But specialists noted that many of China's Su-27s have spent most of the time on the ground for lack of maintenance. In addition, according to U.S. and Taiwanese experts, China has remained at the beginning stages of its effort to acquire the equipment and skills necessary for midair refueling, space-based information systems, and airborne reconnaissance and battle management platforms.
A senior Taiwanese military source said Chinese pilots started training on refueling and airborne battle management several years ago, but so far have neither the equipment nor the technique to integrate such operations into their order of battle. Similarly, he said, China has been testing use of Global Positioning System devices to guide its cruise missiles but remains some time away from deploying such technology.
Buying such electronic equipment would be China's most likely objective if the European Union goes ahead with plans to lift its arms sales embargo despite objections from Washington, a senior European diplomat in Beijing said. A Chinese effort to acquire Israel's Phalcon airborne radar system was stymied in 2000 when the United States prevailed on Israel to back out of the $1 billion deal.
Modernization Could Alter Regional Balance of Power, Raising Stakes for U.S.
By Edward Cody
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, April 12, 2005; Page A01
BEIJING -- A top-to-bottom modernization is transforming the Chinese military, raising the stakes for U.S. forces long dominant in the Pacific.
Several programs to improve China's armed forces could soon produce a stronger nuclear deterrent against the United States, soldiers better trained to use high-technology weapons, and more effective cruise and anti-ship missiles for use in the waters around Taiwan, according to foreign specialists and U.S. officials.
In the past several weeks, President Bush and his senior aides, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Director of Central Intelligence Porter J. Goss, have expressed concern over the recent pace of China's military progress and its effect on the regional balance of power.
Their comments suggested the modernization program might be on the brink of reaching one of its principal goals. For the last decade -- at least since two U.S. aircraft carrier battle groups steamed in to show resolve during a moment of high tension over Taiwan in 1996 -- Chinese leaders have sought to field enough modern weaponry to ensure that any U.S. decision to intervene again would be painful and fraught with risk.
As far as is known, China's military has not come up with a weapon system that suddenly changes the equation in the Taiwan Strait or surrounding waters where Japanese and U.S. forces deploy, the specialists said. China has been trying to update its military for more than two decades, seeking to push the low-tech, manpower-heavy force it calls a people's army into the 21st-century world of computers, satellites and electronic weapons. Although results have been slow in coming, they added, several programs will come to fruition simultaneously in the next few years, promising a new level of firepower in one of the world's most volatile regions.
"This is the harvest time," said Lin Chong-pin, a former Taiwanese deputy defense minister and an expert on the Chinese military at the Foundation on International and Cross-Strait Studies in Taipei.
U.S. and Taiwanese military officials pointed in particular to China's rapid development of cruise and other anti-ship missiles designed to pierce the electronic defenses of U.S. vessels that might be dispatched to the Taiwan Strait in case of conflict.
The Chinese navy has taken delivery of two Russian-built Sovremenny-class guided missile destroyers and has six more on order, equipped with Sunburn missiles able to skim 4 1/2 feet above the water at a speed of Mach 2.5 to evade radar. In addition, it has contracted with Russia to buy eight Kilo-class diesel submarines that carry Club anti-ship missiles with a range of 145 miles.
"These systems will present significant challenges in the event of a U.S. naval force response to a Taiwan crisis," Vice Adm. Lowell E. Jacoby, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, told the Senate Armed Services Committee in testimony March 17.
The Nuclear Deterrent
Strategically, China's military is also close to achieving an improved nuclear deterrent against the United States, according to foreign officials and specialists.
The Type 094 nuclear missile submarine, launched last July to replace a trouble-prone Xia-class vessel, can carry 16 intercontinental ballistic missiles. Married with the newly developed Julang-2 missile, which has a range of more than 5,000 miles and the ability to carry independently targeted warheads, the 094 will give China a survivable nuclear deterrent against the continental United States, according to "Modernizing China's Military," a study by David Shambaugh of George Washington University.
In addition, the Dongfeng-31 solid-fuel mobile ballistic missile, a three-stage, land-based equivalent of the Julang-2, has been deployed in recent years to augment the approximately 20 Dongfeng-5 liquid-fuel missiles already in service, according to academic specialists citing U.S. intelligence reports.
It will be joined in coming years by an 8,000-mileDongfeng-41, these reports said, putting the entire United States within range of land-based Chinese ICBMs as well. "The main purpose of that is not to attack the United States," Lin said. "The main purpose is to throw a monkey wrench into the decision-making process in Washington, to make the Americans think, and think again, about intervening in Taiwan, and by then the Chinese have moved in."
With a $1.3 trillion economy growing at more than 9 percent a year, China has acquired more than enough wealth to make these investments in a modern military. The announced defense budget has risen by double digits in most recent years. For 2005, it jumped 12.6 percent to hit nearly $30 billion.
The Pentagon estimates that real military expenditures, including weapons acquisitions and research tucked into other budgets, should be calculated at two or three times the announced figure. That would make China's defense expenditures among the world's largest, but still far behind the $400 billion budgeted this year by the United States.
Projecting Force to Taiwan
Taiwan, the self-ruled island that China insists must reunite with the mainland, has long been at the center of this growth in military spending; one of the military's chief missions is to project a threat of force should Taiwan's rulers take steps toward formal independence.
Embodying the threat, the 2nd Artillery Corps has deployed more than 600 short-range ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan from southeastern China's Fujian and Jiangxi provinces, according to Taiwan's deputy defense minister, Michael M. Tsai. Medium-range missiles have also been developed, he said, and much of China's modernization campaign is directed at acquiring weapons and support systems that would give it air and sea superiority in any conflict over the 100-mile-wide Taiwan Strait.
But the expansion of China's interests abroad, particularly energy needs, has also broadened the military's mission in recent years. Increasingly, according to foreign specialists and Chinese commentators, China's navy and air force have set out to project power in the South China Sea, where several islands are under dispute and vital oil supplies pass through, and in the East China Sea, where China and Japan are at loggerheads over mineral rights and several contested islands.
China has acquired signals-monitoring facilities on Burma's Coco Islands and, according to U.S. reports, at a port it is building in cooperation with Pakistan near the Iranian border at Gwadar, which looks out over tankers exiting the Persian Gulf. According to a report prepared for Rumsfeld's office by Booz Allen Hamilton, the consulting firm, China has developed a "string of pearls" strategy, seeking military-related agreements with Bangladesh, Cambodia and Thailand in addition to those with Burma and Pakistan.
Against this background, unifying Taiwan with the mainland has become more than just a nationalist goal. The 13,500-square-mile territory has also become a platform that China needs to protect southern sea lanes, through which pass 80 percent of its imported oil and tons of other imported raw materials. It could serve as a base for Chinese submarines to have unfettered access to the deep Pacific, according to Tsai, Taiwan's deputy defense minister. "Taiwan for them now is a strategic must and no longer just a sacred mission," Lin said.
Traditionally, China's threat against Taiwan has been envisaged as a Normandy-style assault by troops hitting the beaches. French, German, British and Mexican military attaches were invited to observe such landing exercises by specialized Chinese troops last September.
Also in that vein, specialists noted, the Chinese navy's fast-paced ship construction program includes landing vessels and troop transports. Two giant transports that were seen under construction in Shanghai's shipyards a year ago, for instance, have disappeared, presumably to the next stage of their preparation for deployment.
But U.S. and Taiwanese officials noted that China's amphibious forces had the ability to move across the strait only one armored division -- about 12,000 men with their vehicles. That would be enough to occupy an outlying Taiwanese island as a gesture, they said, but not to seize the main island.
Instead, Taiwanese officials said, if a conflict arose, they would expect a graduated campaign of high-tech pinpoint attacks, including cruise missile strikes on key government offices or computer sabotage, designed to force the leadership in Taipei to negotiate short of all-out war. The 1996 crisis, when China test-fired missiles off the coast, cost the Taiwanese economy $20 billion in lost business and mobilization expenses, a senior security official recalled.
High-Tech Emphasis
A little-discussed but key facet of China's military modernization has been a reduction in personnel and an intensive effort to better train and equip the soldiers who remain, particularly those who operate high-technology weapons. Dennis J. Blasko, a former U.S. military attache in Beijing who is writing a book on the People's Liberation Army, said that forming a core of skilled commissioned and noncommissioned officers and other specialists who can make the military run in a high-tech environment may be just as important in the long run as buying sophisticated weapons.
Premier Wen Jiabao told the National People's Congress last month that his government would soon complete a 200,000-soldier reduction that has been underway since 2003. That would leave about 2.3 million troops in the Chinese military, making it still the world's biggest, according to a report issued recently by the Defense Ministry.
Because of pensions and retraining for dismissed soldiers, the training and personnel reduction program has so far been an expense rather than a cost-cutter, according to foreign specialists. But it has encountered competition for funds from the high-tech and high-expense program to make China's military capable of waging what former president Jiang Zemin called "war under informationalized conditions."
The emphasis on high-tech warfare, as opposed to China's traditional reliance on masses of ground troops, was dramatized by shifts last September in the Communist Party's decision-making Central Military Commission, which had long been dominated by the People's Liberation Army. Air force commander Qiao Qingchen, Navy commander Zhang Dingfa and 2nd Artillery commander Jing Zhiyuan, whose units control China's ballistic missiles, joined the commission for the first time, signaling the importance of their responsibilities under the modernization drive.
Air Superiority
Striving for air superiority over the Taiwan Strait, the air force has acquired from Russia more than 250 Sukhoi Su-27 single-role and Su-30 all-weather, multi-role fighter planes, according to Richard D. Fisher, vice president of the International Assessment and Strategy Center in Washington. The Pentagon has forecast that, as the Sukhoi program continues to add to China's aging inventory, the air force will field about 2,000 warplanes by 2020, of which about 150 will be fourth-generation craft equipped with sophisticated avionics.
But specialists noted that many of China's Su-27s have spent most of the time on the ground for lack of maintenance. In addition, according to U.S. and Taiwanese experts, China has remained at the beginning stages of its effort to acquire the equipment and skills necessary for midair refueling, space-based information systems, and airborne reconnaissance and battle management platforms.
A senior Taiwanese military source said Chinese pilots started training on refueling and airborne battle management several years ago, but so far have neither the equipment nor the technique to integrate such operations into their order of battle. Similarly, he said, China has been testing use of Global Positioning System devices to guide its cruise missiles but remains some time away from deploying such technology.
Buying such electronic equipment would be China's most likely objective if the European Union goes ahead with plans to lift its arms sales embargo despite objections from Washington, a senior European diplomat in Beijing said. A Chinese effort to acquire Israel's Phalcon airborne radar system was stymied in 2000 when the United States prevailed on Israel to back out of the $1 billion deal.
其实也没有什么矛盾的
说中美军事差距拉大的专家是从中美实力的简单比对中的出结论的
而这篇文章则主要是从台海局部的实力投入来分析的
说中美军事差距拉大的专家是从中美实力的简单比对中的出结论的
而这篇文章则主要是从台海局部的实力投入来分析的
可能是指的094吧,能对美本土造成威胁的也只有它了
是094
这些家伙，明明比我们强大那么多，还要这样讲！
我们已经被他们威胁了几十年了。
反正在他们眼里，中国能打到美国的导弹永远是20枚……
什么猪脑袋
什么猪脑袋
好象有些文不对题，‘小而强’小在哪里啊
[B]以下是引用[I]nebraska[/I]在2005-4-12 20:20:00的发言：[/B][BR]其实也没有什么矛盾的
说中美军事差距拉大的专家是从中美实力的简单比对中的出结论的
而这篇文章则主要是从台海局部的实力投入来分析的